Nawazuddin Siddiqui, who had as many as 5 releases in 2017, is gearing up for an even more promising 2018, with an envious slate of films.

The actor will be seen in British filmmaker, James Watkins' upcoming show for Amazon Prime Video, McMafia. Watkins' previous directorial credits include the Daniel Radcliffe-starrer horror, That Woman in Black, Eden Lake, The Descent Part 2, and the terrifying episode, Shut Up and Dance, from Netflix's hit show, Black Mirror.

He will also be seen in Nandita Das' biopic on celebrated Indian author, Saadat Hasan Manto, easily one of the most-awaited films of 2018, and one that's likely to tour festivals before opening in cinemas.

However, the most controversial choice remains Nawaz's decision to star in the biopic of Shiv Sena leader, Balasaheb Thackeray. Sena, a right-wing party based out of Mumbai, has been notorious for their divisive politics arising from their anti-immigrant, anti-Muslim stance and Siddiqui happens to be both.

The irony is staggering.

But Nawaz isn't worried. "What am I?" Nawaz questions, dramatically lighting up a cigarette.

With smoke covering his face in his dimly-lit office, one that has minimal furniture, he appears like a sinister character straight from a noir thriller, say, about organized crime.

"I am an actor. I act. Nothing else matters. My focus is to chase interesting characters. When I spend three months only in preparation for the role of Bal Thackeray, what I am doing is trying to live another life for those three months."

But... and there are many buts.

When he plays a character like Thackeray, he also embodies everything that Thackeray stood for -- an intolerance for migrants, especially from Uttar Pradesh, and a very pronounced hatred for the members of the Muslim community in India (Thackeray had asked for the voting rights of Muslims to be revoked)

How does he reconcile with such contradictions?

"Politcs ka masla alag hai (the political issue is different)," Siddiqui says.

"Why aren't you looking at the fact that they decided to give me the chance to play Bal Thackeray? I can tell you, many top actors of the industry were vying for this role. Many. I can't name names. But many A-listers were queuing up for this part. But Sanjay Raut saahb(Shiv Sena politician, who's producing the film) chose me."

Siddiqui says it was an opportunity too good to let go.

"Which actor would say no to play a character as fierce as Balasaheb Thackeray? His personality was such that every actor in the world would die to play the role," he says. "All the other things aside, they gave me this role and one should appreciate that. I can't be judgmental about the characters I play."

But the contradictions are too stark.

Co-opting instead of putting up resistance for a political outfit that's traditionally oppressed art and its freedom, is problematic.

And Nawaz's presence in the film gives the Sena a kind of credibility that comes from having an A-list talent on-board.

Was there any pressure playing on his mind?

Did he worry that saying no to an offer from the Sena was an offer, to quote Don Vito Corleone, he couldn't refuse?

"Saying no was never a thought. Which actor would say no? This role is a goldmine for me. I was, and still remain, excited to play the character."

Actors, by definition, are free to play actors they don't morally agree with. For instance, an actor can play Adolf Hitler, but the problem arises when the script glorifies or ignores, the ideas that he stood for. Since the film is being produced by someone from within the party, does that not risk glorification?

"It's a biopic and it'll cover all aspects of his life. The idea is not to glorify. We start from the 90s, starting from when he was a cartoonis, and have tried covering the entire 90s era."

Will the film reference the bans the party tried invoking on several films? "Now, I can't tell you the whole script. You'll have to watch the film for that."

Also see on HuffPost:

The Supreme Court on Thursday lifted a ban imposed by the states of Haryana, Gujarat, Himachal Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan and Uttarakhand, on the screening of the film 'Padmaavat'. The court also restrained any other state from issuing similar notifications and orders prohibiting the screening of the controversial film based on an epic poem about a Rajput queen.

A bench comprising Chief Justice Dipak Misra and Justices AM Khanwilkar and DY Chandrachud heard submissions by producers of the film and cleared the movie for release across India. The producers had approached the apex court after the states decided to ban the film even after the censor board had cleared it for release.

The filmmakers renamed the film from 'Padmavati' to 'Padmaavat' last month to placate Hindu right wing outfits protesting the film's premise that it altered Indian history by showing a romantic alliance between a proud Rajput queen and a Muslim invader – a charge the filmmakers have repeatedly denied.

Yesterday, a government official said schools playing songs from the film will be penalised.

MP govt banned #Padmaavat, people shouldn't even play songs of it. If someone plays a banned song, it must be reported to police & not take matter in your own hands. Action to be taken against culprits: MP HM on school vandalised in Jaora after students performed on song Ghoomar pic.twitter.com/47LJAfVfC7

— ANI (@ANI) January 17, 2018

Central Board of Film Certification (CBFC) chairman, Prasoon Joshi, said the censor board advised five modifications, including the title change, but "no cuts", according to PTI. The Rajput Karni Sena, a fringe Hindu right wing group that has burst into the mainstream through their coordinated protests against 'Padmaavat', said they were not happy with just a name change.

The release date of the movie was pushed from 1 December to 25 January due to the violent protests in Rajasthan, Maharashtra and other states.

NEW DELHI – Earlier this month, Shehla Rashid's voice rose with the fervor of a preacher as she railed against the Modi government at a rally organized in the national capital by youth leaders and fronted by Jignesh Mevani, the newly-elected Dalit leader from Gujarat.

Rashid was the only woman standing on a stage full of men that day, but that is not why she made an impression. On display was the persistence of the 29-year-old political activist who showed no signs of withering in the face of thousands of security personnel armed with water cannons and tear gas. Anyone who has followed Rashid's political trajectory is probably familiar with her iron resolve -- abused regularly on social media by far-right Hindutva supporters and verbally attacked by them offline, Rashid has always stood her ground and taken the opposition in her stride.

On 9 January, in a rally organised in Delhi, a diverse group of young leaders challenged issues like rising religious intolerance, the incarceration of Bhim Army leader Chandrasekhar under the draconian National Security Act (NSA), the high number of farmer suicides, unemployment and growing economic disparities.

While their critics had declared them irrelevant compared to Prime Minister Narendra Modi's might and mocked the turn-out at the rally, Rashid was undaunted. The political activist continued reaching out to people through Twitter, urging them to join the motley gathering on Parliament Street. She was spotted sharing a mobile number the group had designated for people to get in touch with them to know more about their politics.

Almost a week after the rally, Rashid, who is pursuing a Ph.D. in "internet policy" at the Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU), insisted that the rally on 9 January was not a flash in the pan. On the contrary, the former vice president of the JNU Students' Union told me that she and her "comrades" were planning to rollout a nationwide youth movement ahead of the 2019 election. "We are in uncharted territory. Never before have student leaders been so relevant outside of the university. Never before has student politics been so mainstream," she said, during an interview with HuffPost India.

The Kashmiri Muslim, who hails from Srinagar, is likely to contest the Lok Sabha polls. "We (youth leaders) would want to get elected but it has to be the byproduct of a larger campaign where we manage to change the narrative," she said. "If we can't bring a tad bit of honesty, some kind of change to the political discourse, then we might as well just stay at home."

Never before have student leaders been so relevant outside of the university. Never before has student politics been so mainstream.

Rashid came into the national limelight after the JNU row in February, 2016, when she led the movement against the arrest of her fellow-students Kanhaiya Kumar, Umar Khalid and Anirban Bhattacharya on charges of sedition.

On the one hand, Rashid's considerable clout on Twitter has empowered her to question and criticize the Hindutva nationalists perpetually railing against minorities and promoting both hate and fake news. On the other hand, like many women who speak their mind on social media, Rashid has been at the receiving end of misogynistic, xenophobic abuse from an army of trolls. They have threatened her with rape, attacked her with hate speech and even morphed her face onto the image of bikini-clad woman.

In our recent conversation, Rashid talked about what's it like to be a Kashmiri Muslim woman immersed in political activism and how she survives on Twitter, a social media platform besieged by divisiveness.

I'm a Kashmiri Muslim woman and a JNUite. There is abuse along each of those lines.

Edited excerpts:

You've been using Twitter for political activism for many years. How has it changed?

I was an active Twitter user before 2012 and no one used to dare to defend the Gujarat riots before 2012 and I'm talking about organic Twitter users. However, when Narendra Modi started to project himself as the prime ministerial candidate, there were an army of trolls on the Internet, who would issue rape threats and silence people. And that's when people like myself started to self-censor. You don't want to wake up to a thousand rape threats. It is very depressing. It took a while for people to realize that these are paid trolls, it's not an organic response. So, Twitter changed from a place that you couldn't defend the Gujarat riots to a place where you couldn't say anything about Modi.

Are you still self-censoring?

I always have to think. I never use the word "Hindu" in my tweets. Everything that I say is qualified by the fact that I'm a Muslim. So, if I say practically anything, electoral bonds, if I were tweeting a song, if I were saying anything about Mary Kom, the responses that I always get are "you are a Muslim". If I talk about the Gujarat riots, the response I get is that you are communal, you are anti-Hindu, you are anti-national. But they can celebrate Shaurya Divas on Twitter on December 6 (when the Babri Masjid was demolished) and that isn't counted as communal or divisive.

Most of the time, we don't even talk about Kashmir. Before the 9 February in episode 2016 when Kanhaiya and all were arrested, you might have noticed that there used to be a lot of discussion on Kashmir. Now, no one even talks about the human rights situation.

Do Sanghis not feel like throwing up after consuming all the poisonous propaganga on Whatsapp?

Oh, wait! They vomit it out on Twitter. pic.twitter.com/G3zIJsYCOy

— Shehla Rashid (@Shehla_Rashid) August 29, 2017

What kind of abuse do you face?

I'm a Kashmiri Muslim woman and a JNUite. There is abuse along each of those lines.

First, there is the "you should be raped". Even when it is not rape threats, the abuse is very graphic, very sexualized in nature. There will always be a picture of the Prophet of Islam with a minor. If you follow my tweets, you'll see those are the responses and they are in the thousands. A lot of these trolls have me on notification alert, so as soon as I post something, one kind of response would be "JNU, Bharat tede tukde tukde honge". The other one will be that "you should teach this to Mohammad". Then, there is a "Kashmiri, you are a terrorist," this-that. It's a whole bouquet of abuses.

It's a whole bouquet of abuses.

Why do you think women are threatened with sexual violence?

They know they can demoralize you and you do get demoralized. It would be very dishonest for me to say that I don't get affected. I'm human, not a rock.

Recently, someone morphed an image of mine onto a bikini clad woman's image. They feel they can scare you with that violence of body privacy, body integrity. That becomes doubly crucial in case of women. Then, I kind of quote-tweeted it and said that 'I think I look pretty damn hot in it.' I took away their power to shame me.

It's not that the response came spontaneously or I was being playful about it. I spent the whole night thinking about what I should do? Should I file a police complaint because it was very annoying and disgraceful. Then I decided against it and just quote-tweeted. That whole power to abuse you comes with association of shame with the body, shame with nudity.

One of the hangups of having a Muslim upbringing is that you can't lie. So, I won't lie: I actually like this picture. I think I look pretty damn hot in it.

Ab ki baar #PhotoshopSarkar 🤣😂 https://t.co/XjX5VoDfoh

— Shehla Rashid (@Shehla_Rashid) November 27, 2017

Do the trolls link you with the men you work with? How do you handle it?

Ya, that's all the time. All these trolls will say you should go and marry Kanhaiya, you should go and marry Umar, you should go and marry Jignesh, basically all of my male comrades. They can't imagine any other association between men and women.

It does seem very bizarre because Kanhaiya and I have an extremely formal relationship. We have been in the Union (JNU Students' Union) together. So, I find it very uncomfortable. If I post something on Love Jihad, they say why don't you go and marry Jignesh, so it gets very uncomfortable. The other day, there was someone called "Yamla Jaat" who wrote to me saying that "you are a goat and these azadi f***ers use you for group fun". But that's very standard. You know it's like your garden variety abuse.

Dear @twitterindia, I reported several targeted tweets from this person, including this one, and I get a response saying that this is not abuse. Really? If this doesn't violate your abusive content rules, what does? https://t.co/Q3VDX5UoOV

— Shehla Rashid (@Shehla_Rashid) December 29, 2017

(Yamla Jaat's account was eventually suspended).

How do you deal with the abuse?

Normally, I don't read my mentions. I've spent a lot of days depressed because of it and now I just don't read my mentions. That's a problem because you miss out on the good ones, the encouragement and support that comes in.

Dear trolls, I don't block you because I don't want to waste 5 seconds of my life on you. Carry on.

— Shehla Rashid (@Shehla_Rashid) January 3, 2018

What's the worst kind of abuse you have faced?

I would say that what affects you most are the rape threats. Those are the most disturbing.

How do you react to a rape threat now as compared to your formative years on Twitter? Or do you just feel numb?

In 2012, when it started happening, I would take screenshots. Now, I don't have any screenshots because it's become so mundane. Social media has become synonymous with abuse. There have been times when Twitter has been forced to response.

There was this time when Abhijeet called me a prostitute (The singer had tweeted, "There is rumour she took money for two hours and didn't satisfy the client... big racket"). Then, Twitter actually suspended his account. Actually, I was surprised when they suspended his account because for me it had become so routine. Then, Sonu Nigam closed his account in solidarity with Abhijeet.

It's a little off topic but I also felt a little sad that day because all these singers like Sonu Nigam and Abhijeet, I've grown up hearing them. When we used to fill up all those memory diaries in childhood, we would write their names as favorite singers and then you have your role models say these kinds of nasty things about you. I loved Sonu Nigam quite a lot. I never thought I would meet him, I never thought he would know me ever, he's a celebrity. As a child, I would have liked to meet this guy but he left Twitter because of me. It was actually a very sad and bizarre thing for me.

As a child, I would have liked to meet this guy but he left Twitter because of me. It was actually a very sad and bizarre thing for me.

What about Muslim men? Do you get hate from them as well?

It depends on what you are saying. It's not like rape threats but it's more like 'shame on you' if you say anything against religious conservatives. In many cases, there have been rape threats as well. Remember Pragaash, there was an all-girl rock band, just class 10 students, they got rape threats. I mean Muslims do it too. It just depends on what you are saying.

So, no difference?

There is one. When Muslim men do it, it is organic but when you get images from people with Hindu goddesses, or proud NaMo follower, it is systematic. BJP does it systematically, that's the big difference. You have 500 people saying the same thing. That can't be a coincidence.

Still, you continue to use social media?

I don't talk to a lot of media outlets. I have to use something to get my word out. There was a time when people would dismiss social media as not being grassroots. I think social media is the new grassroots. The only thing is that we don't have internet penetration. But I meet people in real life who say, 'hey, I follow you on Twitter.' So, I know that there are people out there who are reading me and I have to put my word out.

Grassroots, really?

See, first of all, it's not a matter of conscious PR strategy. I started using Twitter just for fun. Just like the people of the next generation use Snapchat. I'm not on Snapchat because I'm way older than that. I use Instagram, Facebook, Twitter. We're not exactly digital natives, we are digital migrants, but social media is our way of being.

We're not exactly digital natives, we are digital migrants, but social media is our way of being.

Twitter is such a polarized place right now. Do you think your tweets add to the divisiveness? Is it possible to find middle ground?

I feel that engagement you are talking about happens more on Facebook. It doesn't happen on Twitter, I don't think it can happen on Twitter. Many people are just leaving Twitter because it's so abusive. I think Twitter India needs to do much more. Just like they have suspended accounts of white supremacists in the US, they need to suspend accounts of Hindu supremacists. I would say my views on Facebook are much more malleable. I would even say that I'm a different person on Twitter because I'm so braced up for all this abuse. I just say what I have to say and don't check who is writing what.

How does your family feel about the abuse? Are they worried for your safety?

My mother gets very concerned when she sees all this abuse on Twitter. I've had to explain to her over and over again that this is not organic. That it is very systematic. I've given her stuff to read on how all this is manufactured. This would be disturbing for any mother. Your daughter getting so many abusive comments. It's not a pretty thing. It's just that anyone whoever does activism today, they're parents will have to understand. If you get too disturbed by this, you can't function.

My mother gets very concerned when she sees all this abuse on Twitter. I've had to explain to her over and over again that this is not organic.

Has your mother asked you leave activism?

Many times. When the JNU thing happened, my mother was crying because there was this environment in the country against us. She was very concerned. She actually asked me to resign from the Union. She says that you should not write too much against anyone. I guess, there are fears that she has. I wouldn't say they are unfounded. People have been murdered in this country for their political views.

Do you see yourself getting into politics, contesting an election?

Yeah, sure. I think this is the time that we have to be in politics. We can't leave our politics to the vultures and then complain that our politics is bad. But standing for elections alone doesn't change anything. We (youth leaders) would want to get elected but it has to be the byproduct of a larger campaign where we manage to change the narrative. If we are not able to bring anything new to politics, then it is not enough to just get elected.

And the overall process is important. Do you get to Parliament by making divisive speeches to divide Hindus and Muslims? Or do you get to Parliament by putting forward a progressive agenda? Getting elected is important, but we need to figure out the route we are taking.

Getting elected is important, but we need to figure out the route we are taking.

You are thinking of contesting in 2019?

Yeah. Frankly, I wasn't thinking about this. But last year, wherever I went, in the country or abroad, this is the one question that people would keep asking me – 'would you run?' And I would just dismiss the question. I'm not a member of a party. Jignesh had a constituency, he was grounded in Gujarat. I don't work in Kashmir or anywhere I call home. I study here and that's why I'm in Delhi. So, the question didn't occur naturally to me. But there is a lot of figuring out to do.

From Kashmir or Delhi, perhaps?

I'm not sure. Delhi is an urban constituency, it takes much more money. Ideally, I would like to get elected from Kashmir, everyone wants to get elected from their hometown (Srinagar). It's just that it is such a terribly complicated constituency. First, only 20 percent people vote. People who win actually have people on the ground. It's not actually voting on the basis of charisma or anything like that. And then, I would not want to impose my politics on anyone. If people want to buy into my politics, that's great.

Kashmir also has a separatist discourse which everyone has to engage with during election time. So, the PDP (Peoples Democratic Party) has to put forward some kind of soft separatist agenda which they then betray after allying with BJP. National Conference (NC), also. So, everyone has to do it but I think there is a need to engage more honestly. I wouldn't want to lie about where I stand.

Kashmir also has a separatist discourse which everyone has to engage with during election time.

And where do you stand?

I think it's kind of clear. I don't talk about the Kashmir conflict much. I'm not on the ground, taking bullets. I would not want to speak on behalf of a movement or impose a Leftist interpretation on a movement that doesn't identify as Leftist. But if people are able to identify with the kinds of things we talk about - pluralism, gender justice, employment, equality - that's great.

So, what do you plan for the immediate future?

I expect 2018 to be very turbulent. There is some kind of momentum that you already see. Many people expect that there will be early elections. 2019 might be the last election that we have. There is a lot of anxiety. The last few years have involved all these discussions on how to unite people under a common agenda. I feel that common agenda is taking place now.

2019 might be the last election that we have.

What is that common agenda?

I see that common agenda centering around social justice, gender justice, employment and education rights. We should be able to unite people around these parameters that have been particular failures out of the Modi government.

Why did you say the 2019 election might be the last one we have?

It's about how the Modi government is perceived, how it's attempt to dilute the Constitution is perceived. These are seen as attempts to ultimately abolish the Constitution. They have been very unequivocal in saying that we want a Hindu nation and we are Hindu nationalists which shouldn't be acceptable but somehow, they get away with saying all this. Anant Kumar Hegde said that we want to change the Constitution. Sushma Swaraj at one point said that we should make the Gita the national book. What you see in their symbolism is a saffron flag which is very antithetical to the idea of India. And what we saw recently in the Udaipur court - Shambhu Lal supporters hoisted a saffron flag on the court premises. (Shambu Lal Regar, a man from Rajasthan, uploaded a video of himself hacking and burning a Muslim man).

People who lived through Indira Gandhi's Emergency will tell you that what was particular to that time was that fascism was in the air. If you were sitting on a bus, you couldn't speak against the ruler. And there is a similar environment right now - you feel scared talking about Modi. You don't know what his supporters will do. You don't know who is sitting next to you in a train after the Junaid incident especially. I mean you don't want to disclose your identity on a train. All that has become very scary and betrays a very poor impression of the government.

People who lived through Indira Gandhi's Emergency will tell you that what was particular to that time was that fascism was in the air.

How do you reconcile with the popular support that Modi enjoys?

The day that Modi came to power, 16th May, 2014, I remember the day very clearly. We were hoping that people would not vote for them, vote for the Aam Aadmi Party or regional parties instead. Even we didn't want the Congress which had become a top heavy corrupt machinery by then. But that day, I was kind of made to feel like a Muslim for the first time. I felt so immediately aware of my identity because Modi is seen as the 'Hindu hriday ka samrat,' some kind of messiah for Hindus who will put Muslims in their place.

In Kashmir, before cable channels, Doordarshan would have two programs. One would have all the schemes of the central government. The next program would be Sarhad Ke Do Rukh and they would keep talking about how Pakistan is bad and communal. So, there was this claim of superiority on the basis that India is secular but Pakistan is communal, Pakistan is a theocracy but India is a pluralistic nation. I think we lost that claim when Modi came to power.

But that day, I was kind of made to feel like a Muslim for the first time.

What do you fear the most?

Frankly, I don't think anyone thought the hate mongering would be so blatant. Two weeks after the election, this guy in Pune, Mohsin Shaikh was lynched just because he looked like a Muslim. So that's how much these Hindutva elements - the so-called fringe - was empowered. A few days back, Devendra Fadnavis (chief minister of Maharashtra) and his wife were celebrating Christmas, these right-wing supporters with verified accounts on Twitter, they were trolling them for being closet Christians. They called them David and Amanda Fernandes. They have normalized hate.

It should not be acceptable for a minister like Sadhvi Niranjan Jyoti to say an election is a battle between "Ramzade" and Haramzade", but it is acceptable. How is a guy (Shambhu Lal Raigar) able to circulate a video of a murder, I mean one normally would try to hide a murder not openly flaunt it? Fifty years ago, someone could have a made a dystopic sci-fi novel out of this but this is true. It is happening and it is happening with the latest gadgets, mobile phones and all of that.

Fifty years ago, someone could have a made a dystopic sci-fi novel out of this but this is true.

But then, BJP's had a close call in the Gujarat election. The agrarian crisis in Madhya Pradesh could hurt its chances in the upcoming state polls.

I'm not a pessimist. I'm an optimist and if you have to do activism then you need to have hope. Jignesh's victory, for example. Ever since Adityanath became chief minister (Uttar Pradesh), that has been the only ray of hope, the only boost. Otherwise, we have been very demoralized. How do you go from Akhilesh Yadav to Yogi Adityanath? But then, there are moments like Gujarat. If it has been cashed in more efficiently by the Congress, they could have won the state. That could have spiraled the downfall of BJP. There are moments of hope.

What is the youth movement that you're trying to build?

We're actually in unchartered territory. Who are we, are we a party, are we several parties? We're not office bearers in a party. We clearly don't represent organizations here. We represent social currents, I would say. So, different people associate with us for different reasons. Girls may associate with me for a different reason, Muslims may associate with me for a different reason. Dalits may associate with Jignesh, youth in general associate with him. Same goes for Kanhaiya. We represent social forces and we hope to create a youth movement.

How will you take the movement forward?

We are trying to build a network to establish direct contact with the youth. It will take time. One of the ways is SMS. The other way is to go throughout the country. There is no alternative to that. We have already been doing that, traveling throughout the country, but we want to do it in a manner that amounts to something. We want to make a concerted effort and project a unity of sorts. Our purpose is not to launch a party but put forward a youth agenda: 10 percent education budget, gender issues, technology, a genuine agenda of social justice that addresses the way people experience oppression.

What if it doesn't work or at least in time - 2019 isn't far?

We also want to change what politics means. We want to change the terms of politics. We don't just want to be cogs in the wheel. It's unfortunate that you can't win an election without doing a bit of Hindu and Muslim. I want both Hindus and Muslims to vote for me. We have seen how Medha Patkar lost elections, we have seen how Irom Sharmila lost elections. While that is scary, you also need to engage with politics. You can't also give up. There are enough political players. Why are we needed? If we can't bring a tad bit of honesty, some kind of change to the political discourse then we might as well just stay at home.

Why did you get into politics?

There is a point when you realize that you are political, and if you see an overt, covert or systematic injustice happening in front of you, you cannot keep quiet about it. There is that moment when you decide to speak up and I think that moment for me came very early on for me. If you are political you are political. You can't sit on the fence.

If you are political you are political. You can't sit on the fence.

Also on HuffPost India:

Years before a senior professor of economics was found guilty of sexual harassment by a committee set up by the Amity University in Panvel and asked to resign, he continued to teach at a top management institute in Chennai as a visiting professor despite similar complaints against him by women students three years ago, several students of the institute told HuffPost India.

Not only did the top authority at Great Lakes Institute of Management not suspend Dr Rakesh Singh immediately after two women students formally lodged complaints of sexual misconduct with the dean in 2014, they let him finish his pending lectures, knowing full well that it would bring him in contact with his victims, and even allowed him to return to the campus to teach a later batch when the heat died down.

It's a telling case of how Indian educational institutions deal with sexual violations, choosing immediate image management over long-term action against perpetrators to make women feel safer on campus. At a time when women are breaking their silence on sexual abuse in some form or another, the incidents of 2014 are a reminder of the power men in influential positions hold over women who come forward to report abuse. It's also speaks of the lack of seriousness with which women who accuse authoritative figures of sexual transgressions are treated in our country.

One of the students who complained against Singh told HuffPost India she felt helpless when she saw her alleged harasser back on the campus despite a formal complaint, and in at least one occasion their paths crossed within the campus. She said she sensed a "wariness in most of the male professors immediately after her complaint".

The matter came to light when Mumbai Mirror reported that Amity's committee against sexual harassment found Singh, who was dean (academics), and Dr Kuldeep Singh Panwar, head of the department (law), guilty of sexual harassment. In a recent mail, which was circulating on alumni groups on WhatsApp, which this reporter has seen, a shocked former student of Great Lakes, who knew of the complaint against Singh, wrote to the institute's management demanding to know why nothing was done in the last three years.

"We are complicit in this, the (Mumbai Mirror) article takes pains to point out that nothing turned up when Amity conducted a background check on them (Singh and Panwar)," the student wrote.

"We are complicit in this, the article takes pains to point out that nothing turned up when Amity conducted a background check on them."

Singh's alleged victims told this reporter that had he faced consequences for his action in 2014, the Amity cases would perhaps not have happened. Singh, a professor of macroeconomics of considerable social standing, was a visiting professor at Great Lakes when two women students from different batches lodged the complaint against him. In the course of writing this story, at least three other women, who requested that their identities not be revealed, reported sexual misconduct by the professor during their time at Great Lakes.

"Hey beautiful woman!"

Alka Tripathy* was completing her Post Graduate Diploma In Management (PGDM) from Great Lakes in 2014 when, inspired by Singh's knowledge of his subject and motivated by his interactive lectures, she decided to join a Facebook group he had created to discuss work. Like most students of her class, she too had sent Singh a Facebook friend request, which he accepted. Though she didn't expect him to actually interact with her on Facebook, Singh struck up a conversation late one night in October, 2014. He complimented her on her grip of her subject and said she articulated well. She thanked him and said it was motivating.

"I love the desire in you," Singh wrote. "Also learn to interact outside classroom, when I was doing my Masters we had great conversations with our professors," he wrote.

A couple of days later, late October 2014, she was heading to the library, when she heard someone call out: "Hey beautiful woman!" Not understanding that it was her who was being addressed, she said she didn't bother to turn around.

"Hearing that call again, I turned around and saw professor Singh pointing at me. I was shocked. He is my professor. Nothing gave him the right to address me such. But I didn't say anything. He walked up to me accompanied by his teaching assistant and told him 'she is one of my brightest students in my class'. I took that as a friendly gesture," Tripathy said.

Singh asked her to take a stroll with him. During the stroll, he initiated a conversation about sex that made Tripathy uneasy.

"He discussed sexuality and spoke of the need for Indians to liberate their sexual expression. Time and again I kept telling him that I needed to go back to my hostel."

"He discussed sexuality and spoke of the need for Indians to liberate their sexual expression. Time and again I kept telling him that I needed to go back to my hostel. He insisted that we complete the walk. He started talking about Osho, his personal life, and asked if I had read 50 Shades Of Grey. I hadn't. He started discussing aspects of the book – how humans perceive sex, and how in India people are not adventurous sexually," Tripathy said, adding that she was getting increasingly uncomfortable with the discussion and was looking for a chance to leave.

50 Shades Of Grey is an erotic book by author EL James exploring a sadomasochistic relationship between a young woman and a business tycoon. Osho was an Indian godman known, among other things, for his unconventional views on sexuality.

"He then took out his mobile phone and showed me a graphic picture of two people having sex."

"Just when I was about to leave, he said there's a professor in Wisconsin writing a book on the LGBT community. He then took out his mobile phone and showed me a graphic picture of two people having sex."

At that point a flustered Tripathy curtly told him that she had to leave.

Tripathy said she did not want to have a sexual conversation with her professor. She wasn't asked if she could be shown the sexually explicit image. The experience left her shaken. She said she felt angry that despite scoring the marks needed to qualify for the course, fighting privileges handed down to men at academic and professional spaces, studying hard while living away from home and standing out in her class as a diligent student, she was reduced to just a woman with whom a professor thought he might strike up a conversation about sex.

The days following the walk played out like a phase of a bad dream.

Where once she was cheerily participating in mock debates in Singh's class and parrying questions, she became withdrawn, afraid that any show of eagerness would draw attention towards her and lead to another off-class sexual conversation she said she did not want. She did not raise her hand to answer questions. She tried her best "not to stand out".

Gradually her batchmates came to know of this incident. Singh's last lectures were always received with a standing ovation, it had become a custom at Great Lakes. That year the students decided to break custom in solidarity with their classmate.

"We took a vow that we wouldn't give him a standing ovation. I didn't care if he gave me a C in my assignment," she said. She blocked him on Facebook. Singh asked her if she had blocked him and said he "will not take it otherwise". He respected people's personal choices, he wrote. But when she did not respond, he accused: "YOU DID NOT REPLY TO MY MESSAGE".

She kept thinking about the incident and a month later she decided, with the help of two student council members, to lodge a formal complaint.

Finally, a complaint

She was accompanied by Arvind Viswanathan, then a member of the student council at Great Lakes, and another woman member from the body mandated to look into student welfare. The council was armed with another complaint — lodged by a woman with whom Singh allegedly had another inappropriate chat — the transcript of which Tripathy said she had seen.

"At least five women had discussed feeling uncomfortable by Singh's behavior but none wanted to come forward. We took these two complaints to Programme Director Bobby Srinivasan and then to Associate Dean Dr Vaidy Jayaraman. I made it abundantly clear that students won't stand for this professor's behavior," Viswanathan told this HuffPost reporter.

"The AD requested that Singh be allowed to finish his lectures. This was November 2014. Within the span of a day we also spoke to the dean (Dr Bala V Balachandran)," he said. They were assured that Singh would face an inquiry and would be taken off the programme.

Despite the assurance, the atmosphere, Viswanathan said, didn't exactly seem amiable. "My classmate had backed out by then, and I don't blame her, and the junior had had to tell her story for the third time," he said.

To the surprise of the women who complained, and the student council members who fought for action, in February of 2015 Singh was seen on campus allegedly teaching a corporate programme.

"I have no words to describe how I felt. He didn't have to say it. But it was as if our complaint didn't matter."

"I have no words to describe how I felt. He didn't have to say it. But it was as if our complaint didn't matter. He was back on campus. Gradually the conversation between some of my classmates also shifted. I heard some of them saying that it could not just have been Singh's fault. That I must have led him on. I sensed wariness in some of the male professors when they spoke to me. I felt I was labelled as the woman whom you had to be very careful while talking to otherwise she'll report you for sexual harassment. That there was some scope of me misunderstanding the whole situation. Some of my classmates interacted with him as if nothing had happened. They walked up to him and asked for career advice," Tripathy said.

She said Singh was allowed to finish his lectures, and at least once they came face to face while coming out of a class, months after she had complained about him.

"None of the women professors came forward to support us, and as far as I know no sexual harassment committee was formed immediately after the complaint, otherwise the incident would have been investigated and I would have been asked to depose. I wasn't. We ourselves had to identify other victims of harassment to make our case stronger. The dean could have said 'enough is enough'. My college was not able to protect me," Tripathy said.

Mails, mobile text messages and calls to Singh since 16 January seeking his response to the allegations levelled against him by his students went unanswered. On 17 January Singh sent a WhatsApp message to this reporter saying he'll respond within 24 hours. At the time of publishing this, three days after Singh messaged this reporter, his response had not come in yet.

In the months following the sexual harassment complaint, Viswanathan reportedly wrote to the AD again asking why Singh was back on campus despite the allegations levelled against him. He was allegedly told that Singh has been instructed not to talk to any student from his batch.

"What struck me about the Amity story was that they didn't do a proper background check on Singh. What upsets me is Great Lakes' responsibility extended to protecting all students and not just their own."

"By then my mails were getting heated and I was told that they didn't appreciate my language. Singh didn't teach the 2014-2016 batch anymore. But I asked around, he definitely taught the 2015-2017 batch. What struck me about the Amity story was that they didn't do a proper background check on Singh. What upsets me is Great Lakes' responsibility extended to protecting all students and not just their own," Viswanathan said.

As soon as former students saw the Mumbai Mirror story, alumni groups were abuzz with discussion. Former women students shared their own stories of a distinct pattern of inappropriate behaviour some of them had faced.

Late night Facebook messages

A former student, Rohini Bharghav* from the 2011-2012 batch told HuffPost India that Singh used to send her late night messages on Facebook. "Nothing beyond 'hi' or 'hello' but I could sense this could lead to something else. I used to avoid responding. Most of the messages were sent really late at night. Even when we graduated, on and off he'd send the same messages," she said.

Another former student Neha Bose* from the 2011-2012 Post Graduate Programme in Management spoke of similar late night messages from Singh on Gchat.

"He used to ping me late at night, at 2-3 am, 'why are you up, how's it going'. When he saw me online he'd ask 'who are you talking to this late at night?' I would try to steer the conversation from personal to professional and ask how the placement situation was. He would ask 'do you feel lonely?' I'd avoid answering," Bose said.

Three months after she graduated from Great Lakes, he pinged via Facebook messenger one day asking 'how's life'. When she replied, he launched into a conversation about 50 Shades Of Grey.

"He wanted to discuss sex. I avoided the discussion completely knowing that it could be interpreted as encouragement. I just ended the conversation," Bose said. "That's the last time I spoke to him. I blocked him on Facebook. I would ignore his chat requests."

The women this HuffPost India reporter spoke to, all accused Singh of allegedly repeating this pattern of texting after hours and veering off topic into the personal, despite a lack of reciprocation, though maintaining complete decorum in class. In fact his students all spoke of him as a great teacher with unparalleled knowledge of his subject and a knack for making his lectures come alive.

*Revati Kumar, a former student said Singh pinged her at all hours.

"The starting point was Facebook. He used to ping at all odd hours, 11 pm, 12 am, 1 am, saying just 'hi', hoping to strike up a conversation.," Kumar said.

She added that, like most students, initially she politely replied to the 'hi's' the professor was sending, but stopped responding once the conversation took an awkward turn.

"I never bothered to reply. This went on for two years — on and off — between 2012 and 2014. It didn't deter him that he got no response," Kumar said.

This HuffPost India reporter has seen the chat transcript that consisted of repetition of the word 'hi' over a period of months at a time despite a lack of response from the student.

"Our initial chats turned suspicious when he started veering off to personal conversations like 'your DP is good'," she said.

Another former student from the batch of 2015-2016 PGPM, who spoke on condition of anonymity and knew about the sexual harassment complaint, confirmed that Singh taught their batch in September of 2015. They too had lodged a complaint about Singh, but it was for an entirely academic reason. "He used to come in, teach for 10 minutes and leave. His lack of time was really frustrating," the former student said.

"Our initial chats turned suspicious when he started veering off to personal conversations like 'your DP is good'".

They were given the reassurance that Singh won't teach on campus again.

"I know a guy from the 2016-2017 batch. Singh definitely taught them," she said. Viswanathan said he spoke to another former student who confirmed that he was taught by Singh between Jan-March 2017 for an elective subject.

Four days after HuffPost India reached out to Great Lakes for a response to why Singh was allowed to complete his lectures and return to campus, Jayaraman said: "At the time of the incident, Prof Rakesh Singh was a visiting faculty who was assigned to teach a course at Great Lakes. There was no grounds to suspend Dr. Rakesh Singh as he was a visiting faculty and merely offered his teaching services for a fixed number of hours."

Jayaraman acknowledged that Singh was asked not to talk to any student at the time of the incident.

"Dr. Bala and I met with Prof Rakesh Singh, apprised him of the situation, and let him know that the Institute will not tolerate any improper behavior. We were given an oral assurance that he will not indulge in any behavior that would place him and the Institute in poor light," Jayaraman said.

"He was directed not to talk to any student body and leave campus after completing a few more hours of the course that he was assigned to deliver."

"It was brought to our attention by student council that Prof Rakesh's behavior bordered on impropriety, immediate and necessary action was taken. He was directed not to talk to any student body and leave campus after completing a few more hours of the course that he was assigned to deliver. We also received oral assurance from him that, there will be no such cause for complaints to arise in future," he said.

"Further, terminating his service at that stage will have legal consequences and most importantly it will affect the students, as the course will have to be suspended because it would have been impossible to find any other replacement given the paucity of time."

Asserting that the institution was serious about addressing complaints of sexual harassment, Jayaraman said a staff member was asked to "submit their resignation once we ascertained that the member engaged in behavior that was contrary to the Great Lakes spirit and culture".

After the content of the mail was leaked on WhatsApp groups, the college responded with a terse warning:

"Dear Alums, it emerges that some alumni are sharing internal e-mails to outsiders. This is not advisable and discretion is required. In any case e-mails cannot be shared. Request every one to be discreet."

At the time of writing this, the GL website was scrubbed clean of any reference to Singh. His faculty page was taken down.

In 2017, when the Amity University investigation found Singh allegedly "made comments with sexual overtones and tried to make physical contact with an employee", registrar Ravi Manuja told Mumbai Mirror: "We did not receive any complaint about their conduct from the institutions they had worked in before joining us."

Feeling let down

Great Lakes was founded in 2004 by Dr Balachandran, a man students were asked to call 'Uncle Bala' as a mark of respect and perhaps to instill a sense of family. It is but natural that a lot of them now feel let down that despite repeated breach of the student-professor relationship by Singh, and clear reluctance on the part of the students to engage in explicit conversations with him, the college seemed completely oblivious about his conduct.

Jayaraman said at the time the complaint was lodged, the student council was "completely satisfied" with the plan of action that was undertaken by the institution. However, this claim seemed to directly contradict Viswanathan's mails to the college asking why Singh was back on campus.

"Even after reporting this man, how can the college reinstate him in the same position? If Great Lakes admin had taken a strong call, this Amity incident would not have not happened," Tripathy said.

"Great Lakes was not a party to any background check done by Amity. In fact, we came to know of his appointment in Amity only via the social media," Jayaraman said.

The college said it "formed a blue ribbon committee (the chair is a female faculty member), updated the student, staff and faculty manual, placed postings on sexual harassment issues on bulletin boards across the campus, strengthened our existing SH policy and continue to have a healthy discussion on such issues with our faculty, staff and students" after the incident.

Tripathy said she still had an emotional connect with her college and held many of its professors in high esteem.

"But students are vulnerable. It's the college's duty to protect them," she said.

(*names have been changed on the request of the students who to spoke to HuffPost India. HuffPost India is waiting for Dr Singh's response.)

India and Pakistan summoned each other's envoys on Friday, with the nuclear-armed neighbours accusing one another of violating a military ceasefire in the disputed Kashmir region and killing civilians in cross-border firing.

India called in Pakistan's deputy high commissioner saying its soldiers had breached the truce over a 100 times in January alone, the Indian foreign ministry said.

According to the foreign ministry, Pakistan's Deputy High Commissioner Syed Haider Shah had India's concerns relayed to him and a "strong protest" over three civilian deaths on Jan. 18 and Jan. 19 in some districts of Jammu and Kashmir due to ceasefire violations by Pakistan forces.

"It was conveyed to the concerned authorities in Pakistan that deliberate targeting of innocent civilians was against all established humanitarian norms and practices," the statement said, adding that Pakistan was asked to adhere to the 2003 truce.

Meanwhile, Pakistan's foreign ministry said India had committed more than 125 violations, causing four civilian deaths, and accused its South Asian neighbour of "indiscriminate and unprovoked" firing over the last two days.

Earlier this week Pakistan summoned India's deputy high commissioner in Islamabad after four Pakistani soldiers were killed in shelling by Indian forces in the disputed Kashmir region, the Pakistani foreign office had said.

India and Pakistan have faced off for decades across the Line of Control separating parts of Kashmir held by both countries. The old ceasefire line runs through a region that both countries claim in full but rule in part.

Sporadic cross-border attacks in past months have frayed the 2003 truce.

KABUL -- A group of as many as four gunmen attacked the Intercontinental Hotel in the Afghan capital Kabul and were exchanging fire with security forces on Saturday as residents and staff fled.

Hotel manager Ahmad Haris Nayab, who managed to escape unhurt, said the attackers had managed to get inside and people were fleeing amid bursts of gunfire on all sides, but he could say nothing about any casualties.

Afghan interior ministry spokesman Najib Danish said details of the raid, which came days after a U.S. embassy warning of possible attacks on hotels in the capital, were unclear, but the attackers appeared to have included suicide bombers.

There was no immediate claim of responsibility for the latest in a long series of attacks to hit Kabul.

The hotel, located on a hilltop and heavily protected like most public buildings in the city, was previously attacked by Taliban fighters in 2011.

It is one of Kabul's two main luxury hotels and is used for events including conferences attended by government officials.

On Thursday, the U.S. embassy in Kabul issued a warning to U.S. citizens, saying "We are aware of reports that extremist groups may be planning an attack against hotels in Kabul".

Although the NATO-led Resolute Support mission says the Taliban has come under pressure after the United States increased assistance to Afghan security forces and stepped up air strikes against the insurgents, security remains precarious.

As pressure on the battlefield has increased, security officials have warned that the danger of attacks on high profile targets in Kabul and other cities would increase.

While it shares the same name, the hotel in Kabul is not part of InterContinental Hotels Group (IHG), which issued a statement in 2011 saying that "the hotel Inter-continental in Kabul is not part of IHG and has not been since 1980".

@KABUL -- Gunmen dressed in army uniforms who stormed Kabul's Intercontinental Hotel battled Afghan Special Forces for 13 hours in an overnight siege that left at least five people dead, officials and witnesses said on Sunday.

The Taliban claimed responsibility for the attack, which saw more than 150 guests flee, with some shimmying down tied-together sheets from upper-floor windows and others rescued by Afghan forces.

Abdul Rahman Naseri, a guest who was at the hotel for a conference, was in the hall of the hotel when he saw four insurgents dressed in army uniforms.

"They were shouting in Pashto (language), 'Don't leave any of them alive, good or bad. Shoot and kill them all,' one of them shouted," Naseri said.

"I ran to my room on the second floor. I opened the window and tried to get out using a tree but the branch broke and I fell to the ground. I hurt my back and broke a leg."

Interior Ministry spokesman Najib Danish said the siege ended on Sunday when the last gunman was shot dead.

"I got a bed sheet and tied it to the balcony. I tried to come down but I was heavy and my arms were not strong enough. I fell down and injured my shoulder and leg."

Even after officials said the attack was over, sporadic gunshots and explosions could be heard from the site.

It is unclear exactly how many gunmen were involved. Danish said three gunmen were killed, while witnesses said four were involved and the Taliban said five.

At least five other people were killed and six wounded, a lower casualty total than earlier feared, while 153 people, including 41 foreigners were evacuated, said Danish.

The raid was the latest in a long series of attacks which have underlined the city's precarious situation and the ability of militants to mount high profile operations aimed at undermining confidence in the Western-backed government.

As day broke on Sunday, thick clouds of black smoke could be seen pouring from the building. Several armoured U.S. military vehicles with heavy machine guns could be seen close to the hotel along with Afghan police units.

Hotel manager Ahmad Haris Nayab, who escaped unhurt, said the attackers had got into the main part of the hotel through a kitchen before going through the hotel, with many guests trapped in their rooms.

"When the sixth floor caught fire this morning, my roommate told me, either burn or escape," said Mohammad Musa, who was hiding in his room on the top floor when he heard gunfire.

"I got a bed sheet and tied it to the balcony. I tried to come down but I was heavy and my arms were not strong enough. I fell down and injured my shoulder and leg."

The raid came just days after a U.S. embassy warning of possible attacks on hotels in Kabul.

The Intercontinental Hotel, an imposing 1960s structure set on a hilltop and heavily protected like most public buildings in Kabul, was previously attacked by Taliban fighters in 2011.

It is one of two main luxury hotels in the city and had been due to host an information technology conference on Sunday. More than 100 IT managers and engineers were on site when the attack took place, Ahmad Waheed, an official at the telecommunications ministry, said.

U.S. WARNING

Taliban spokesman Zabihullah Mujahid sent a statement claiming responsibility for the attack, which he said had been carried out by five fighters.

The attack, just days after a United Nations Security Council visit to Kabul to allow senior representatives of member states to assess the situation in Afghanistan, may lead to a further tightening of security in Kabul.

Large areas of the city centre are already closed off behind high concrete blast walls and police checkpoints but the ability of the attackers to get into a well-protected hotel frequented by both government officials and foreigners demonstrated how difficult it remains to prevent high profile attacks.

Danish said a private company had taken over security of the hotel about three weeks ago.

The State Department said on Saturday it was monitoring the situation and was in contact with Afghan authorities to determine whether any U.S. citizens had been affected.

Although Resolute Support says the Taliban has come under pressure after the United States increased assistance to Afghan security forces and stepped up air strikes against insurgents, security remains precarious.

Captain Tom Gresback, spokesman for the NATO-led Resolute Support mission in Afghanistan, said they were also watching closely but it was not clear what role international forces took in suppressing the attack.

"Afghan National Defense and Security Forces are leading the response efforts. According to initial reports, no Resolute Support or (U.S. forces) members were injured in this incident," he said in an emailed statement as the fighting continued.

Although Resolute Support says the Taliban has come under pressure after the United States increased assistance to Afghan security forces and stepped up air strikes against insurgents, security remains precarious.

As pressure on the battlefield has increased, security officials have warned that the danger of attacks on high-profile targets in Kabul and other cities would increase.

After repeated attacks in Kabul, notably an incident last May in which a truck bomber killed at least 150 people outside the German embassy, security has been further tightened.

While it shares the same name, the hotel in Kabul is not part of InterContinental Hotels Group (IHG), which issued a statement in 2011 saying that "the hotel Inter-continental in Kabul is not part of IHG and has not been since 1980".

In a huge setback for the Aam Aadmi Party-led Delhi government, President Ram Nath Kovind approved the expulsion of 20 MLAs from the party in the 'office of profit' case.

The Election Commission had made a recommendation against the lawmakers.

PTI quoted a notification issued by the law ministry as saying, "Having considered the matter in the light of the opinion expressed by the Election Commission, I, Ram Nath Kovind, president of India, in exercise of the powers...do here hold that the aforesaid 20 members of the Delhi legislative assembly stand disqualified from being members of the said assembly."

While the MLAs have moved the Delhi High Court, no interim order was passed over it.

The 20 AAP MLAs were appointed as Parliamentary Secretaries on March 13, 2015 and their appointment was described as them holding offices of profit by a petitioner.

AAP leaders have refuted the allegations and termed it a witch-hunt.

Deputy Chief Minister of Delhi, Manish Sisodia was quoted by News18 as saying, "They were appointed to help the government as it was working on Mohalla Clinics, skill centres, unauthorised colonies development and trader-friendly VAT scheme. They used to travel on their own expense. They were not paid even a single paisa as salary or facilities like office and bungalow."

The Election Commission has not commented on the issue saying it was sub-judice.

While the disqualification of its MLAs does put the AAP government in a tough spot, it is not under immediate threat. It will still have comfortable majority even though the number of MLAs in the 70-seat assembly will reduce from 66 to 46.

India in the last one and a half decades has strenuously strived to 'Eradicate Extreme Poverty' with the adoption of the Millennium Declaration at the United Nations in the Year 2000 and the consequent signing of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). India's recent five-year plans also had targets in tune with the MDG target for eradicating extreme poverty. The Ministry of Statistics and Programme Implementation (MOSPI) has published the 'Final Country Report-Millennium Development Goals' (MDG Final Report) in November 2017 which claims that India is an early achiever on the target of reducing extreme poverty by halving in the period 1992-2015 under MDG 1.

The MDG Final Report presented an overall status of India's achievement on reducing poverty with respect to MDG target. However, the report does not covered how the socially marginalized groups like Scheduled Tribes (STs) and Scheduled Castes (SCs) have progressed in achieving the poverty reduction target set under MDG 1. This article presents the status of SCs and STs on the target of reducing extreme poverty as determined under MDG 1 and on the programs and policies of the government of India in place to eradicate extreme poverty. For the analysis of the situation, the indicators which are prescribed in the MDG Final Report are used in this article.

The report does not covered how the socially marginalized groups like Scheduled Tribes (STs) and Scheduled Castes (SCs) have progressed in achieving the poverty reduction target set under MDG 1.

The MOSPI used the Poverty Head Count Ratio (PHCR) figures based on Tendulkar Methodology as the indicator in the Final MDG Report to record India's progress on poverty eradication. The PHCR is the proportion of the population whose per-capita income/consumer expenditure is below the official threshold(s), that is, 'Poverty Line' set by the National Government. The latest poverty estimates are available for 2011-12. The PHCR for the total population was 45.7% in 1993-94 which reduced by more than half to 22% as per the latest poverty estimates. Similarly, the PHCR for SC population reduced from 60.5% in 1993-94 to 29.4% in 2011-12.

% BPL Population Social Category-wise (Tendulkar Methodology)

Source: Panagriya & More, 2013, MDG Final Country Report

Thus, the claim made by MOSPI in the Final Country Report that India has achieved the MDG target of halving the PHCR between 1990-2015 holds true for the total as well as the SC population. However, the ST population have missed the MDG target of reducing poverty by a huge margin.

The STs have missed the target of halving their PHCR set under MDG 1 by 11.15 percentage points. The PHCR for STs in the year 1993-94 was 63.7% which should have been reduced to 31.85% to meet the MDG target but, according to the latest estimates, the PHCR for STs is 43%.

Also, if one looks at the state level trends in poverty figures, in none of the top 7 ST populous states, the MDG target of halving the PHCR has been achieved for ST category.

% PHCR of ST Population in Top 7 ST Populated States (Tendulkar Methodology)

Source: Panagriya & More, 2013, Ministry of Tribal Affairs 2016-17

In the three states i.e. Madhya Pradesh, Odisha and Maharashtra where a large share of ST population resides, the STs have missed the MDG target of reducing poverty by halving between 1990-2015 by almost 20 percentage points.

Even in some of the top SC populated states like UP, Bihar, Madhya Pradesh and Odisha which accounts for around 38% of the total SC population, the MDG target for reducing PHCR by halving between 1992-2015 have not been achieved for the SC population. The SCs in Bihar have missed the target by 12.8 percentage points, MP fell short by 11.55 percentage points, SCs in UP missed the target by 6.8 percentage points while in Odisha the target was missed by 8.7 percentage points by the SC population.

​​​​​​Gap Between Rural and Urban PHCR

The MDG Final Report noted that gap in rural-urban PHCR is still persisting in India which indicates that, the disparities in economic conditions by place of residence is continuing. The populace in the rural areas has a higher share in BPL population as compared to the populace in the urban areas.

Gap Between Rural-Urban PHCR, 1993-94 to Latest Estimates (2011-12), (In %)

Source: Panagriya & More, 2013, Ministry of Tribal Affairs 2016-17

If observed categorically, the gap between Rural and Urban PHCR is highest among STs (21.2 percentage points) followed by total population (11.7 percentage points) and SC population (9.8 percentage points).

The gap between Rural-Urban PHCR has reduced by 6.7 percentage points at all India level, 3.6 percentage points for ST population while just 0.9 percentage points for SCs in the period 1993-94 to the latest estimates of poverty (2011-12).

Percent Distribution of Population in Quintiles of Wealth Index, 2015-16

Wealth index is score based on the number and kinds of consumer goods a household own, ranging from a television to a bicycle or car, and housing characteristics such as the source of drinking water, toilet facilities, and flooring materials.

DIstribution of SC, ST and Total Population on Quintiles of Wealth Index, 2015-16 (In %)

Source: NFHS 4

According to NFHS 4 (2015-16), 45.9% of the ST households lies in the lowest quintile (bottom 20%) of wealth index as compared to just 26.6% of SC household and 20.3% of the total households. On contrary, mere 5% of the total ST households lies in the highest quintile (top 20%) of wealth index, as compared to 10.9% of SC households and 20.1% of the total households.

Insights from Socio-Economic and Caste Census (SECC) 2011

The SECC 2011 provides data on the monthly income of the highest earning member of the households in rural areas. The data is available for SC, ST and Non-SC/ST households in three income bracket i.e. less than 5,000; 5,000-10,000 and greater than 10,000 rupees per month.

Classification of Rural Households Based on Monthly Income of Highest Earning Member

Source: SECC 2011

At all India level, the percentage of households whose monthly income of the highest earning member is less than Rs. 5,000/month, is 86.5% for ST households, 83.6% for SC households and just 70.3% for the non-SC/ST households. Similarly, if we look at the percentage of households whose highest earning member monthly income is more than Rs. 10,000/month, it is 9.8% for non-SC/ST households while it is just 4.5% for ST households and 4.7% for SC households.

In states like Madhya Pradesh, Odisha and Chhattisgarh where a large share of the tribal population lives, the monthly income of the highest earning member of more than 92% ST households is less than Rs.5000/month.

The Bhuria Commission Report noted that the major reason for the huge difference between PHCR of ST and the non-ST population is due to the reason that, a large share of ST agricultural labourers are landless "with no productive assets and no access to sustainable employment as well as minimum wages". According to SECC 2011, In rural areas, around 30% of ST households are landless deriving major part of their income from manual casual labour as compared to just 18.42% of non-SC/ST households.

The MDG Final Report mentioned MGNREGA as one of the major programs of the government of India to alleviate poverty in the rural areas. The works permitted under MGNREGA address causes of chronic poverty like drought, deforestation and soil erosion so that the employment generation is sustainable. Studies undertaken by government and several other research institutions have noted that wages provided under MGNREGA has been proven to help the marginalized communities in coming out of abject poverty. The major target group under the act are SC, ST and other BPL households.

The number of total households worked under MGNREGA has increased from 4.89 crores in 2012-13 to 5.04 crores in 2016-17 at all India level. However, in the same time period, the number of ST households working under MGNREGA has reduced from 92.33 lakhs in 2012-13 to just 81.19 lakhs in 2016-17, marking a reduction of 11.3%. Similarly, in the same period, the SC households working under the scheme has reduced from 1.08 crores to 1.06 crores, marking a reduction of approx. 2%.

Even though MGNREGA guarantees employment for 100 days on demand in a year, the average days of employment provided per year under MGNREGA have not exceeded 50 days, at all India level in the last five years.

For SC households the average days of employment per year under MGNREGA have remained almost 45 days in the last 5 years while for ST households it has reduced from 51 in 2012-13 to 49 in 2016-17.

Average Days of Employment/Household Provided Annually Under MGNREGA, 2012-2017

(Source: MGNREGA MIS)

Along with the reduction in the number of SC/ST households getting work under the scheme, the percentage of the households which are getting 100 days of employment under the act has also reduced significantly.

% of Households Getting 100 Days of Employment in a Year Under MGNREGA, 2012-17

(Source: MGNREGA MIS)

The percentage of total households getting work for 100 days under the act has fallen from 10.3% in 2012-13 to just 7.6% in 2016-17. Similarly, the percentage of ST households getting 100 days of work has fallen down from 11% to 8.3% in the same time period, while the percentage of SC household getting 100 days of employment has fallen from 10% to just 7.5% in the period 2012-13 to 2016-17.

Several studies conducted in several states of the country has documented the fact that there is a huge amount of compensation and wages pending to be paid under MGNREGA. A study conducted by Azim Premji University in late 2017 concluded that the government has released only 32% of the wages it owes to workers on time under MGNREGA during the first two quarters of the financial year of 2017-18. This is in contrast to the Ministry of Rural Development's September 2017, claims that "around 85 percent of the wages are being paid to the workers in time".

Another worrying fact is that the total expenditure made under MGNREGA as a share of GDP has fallen down drastically since the year 2009-10. In the year 2009-10, the expenditure made under MGNREGA as the share of the GDP was 0.60% which has fallen down to just 0.38% in the year 2016-17.

Source: For the year 2009-12 Economic Survey 2013-14 & MGNREGA MIS; For 2012-13 to 2016-17 PIB, MoRD, GOI

Hence, the claim made by the current government that the allocation to MGNREGA has been highest ever in 2017-18 at Rs. 48,000 crores is not correct if we see this year allocation as the share of the total GDP.

The analysis presented here clearly indicates that even though, India was an early achiever of reducing poverty under MDG, the ST population missed the target by a significant margin. The STs are still living in the state of abject poverty and a major share of ST population does not own even the basic consumable goods like television or a bicycle and don't have access to basic infrastructures like a clean source of drinking water, toilet facilities etc. Even program like MGNREGA, which exclusively cater to the rural population where 90% of the total ST population resides, has not functioned properly with full capacity to help the Adivasi's in coming out of abject poverty.

After the termination of MDGs in 2015, the MDG 1 related to 'Eradicating Extreme Poverty' is now being pursued as Sustainable Development Goal 1 to 'End poverty in all its forms everywhere' and SDG 8 & 10. Thus if India is to achieve the targets set under the SDGs, it is imperative that the central and the various state governments bring back their focus on the tribal population by prioritizing them on various welfare policies/schemes. Also, in the upcoming budget session, the budgetary allocation to MGNREGA should at least be increased to 0.60% of the GDP.

(The opinions expressed in this post are the personal views of the author. They do not necessarily reflect the views of HuffPost India. Any omissions or errors are the author's and HuffPost India does not assume any liability or responsibility for them.)

PALONGKHALI (Bangladesh) -- Bangladesh has delayed the repatriation of Rohingya Muslim refugees to Myanmar, set to start on Tuesday, because the process of compiling and verifying the list of people to be sent back is incomplete, a senior Bangladesh official said.

The decision comes as tensions have risen in camps holding hundreds of thousands of refugees, some of whom are opposing their transfer back to Myanmar because of lack of security guarantees.

Myanmar agreed earlier this month to receive the Rohingya refugees at two reception centres and a temporary camp near its border with Bangladesh over a two-year period starting Tuesday. The authorities have said repatriations would be voluntary.

But Abul Kalam, Bangladesh's refugee relief and rehabilitation commissioner, said on Monday the return would have to be delayed. He did not immediately give a new date for the repatriations to begin.

"There are many things remaining," he told Reuters by phone. "The list of people to be sent back is yet to be prepared, their verification and setting up of transit camps is remaining."

More than 655,500 Muslim Rohingya fled to Bangladesh after a crackdown by the Myanmar military in the northern part of Rakhine state in response to militant attacks on security forces on Aug. 25. The United Nations described the military operation as ethnic cleansing of the Rohingya, which Myanmar denies.

Myanmar said it was ready to take back the returning Rohingya.

"We are ready to accept them once they come back. On our part, the preparation is ready," Ko Ko Naing, director general of Myanmar's Ministry of Social Welfare, Relief and Resettlement, told Reuters by phone.

He declined to comment on whether Bangladesh had informed Myanmar about the delay.

At the Palongkhali refugee camp, near the Naf river that marks the border between the two countries, a group of Rohingya leaders gathered early on Monday morning with a loudspeaker and a banner listing a set of demands for their return to Myanmar.

These include security guarantees, the granting of citizenship and the group's recognition in Myanmar's list of ethnic minorities. The Rohingya are also asking that homes, mosques and schools that were burned down or damaged in the military operation be rebuilt.

Bangladesh army officials arrived at the protest and dispersed the crowd of 300. Witnesses said they saw the army take away one of the Rohingya leaders who was holding a banner.

Bangladesh army spokesman Rashedul Hasan said he had not received any information on a protest from the refugee camps this morning, but said he was trying to find out more.

In the dark times that we live in, where members of both, fringe groups and the establishment, brazenly threaten to physically assault a woman -- in this case, Deepika Padukone, a top actress -- and put a ransom for beheading her, humor is possibly the only coping mechanism left.

While it's beyond anybody's understanding how the police machinery hasn't managed to contain the situation as goons from the Karni Sena continue to wreak havoc in Northern India, comedian Varun Grover has come up with a wildly funny stand-up video, in an attempt to make sense of it all.

In the video released earlier in the day, Grover, who's best known for writing the soothing Moh Moh Ke Dhaage track, makes light of the entire Padmaavati controversy, by piecing together the story of Padmaavat itself (how accurate his narration is to the original work by Sufi poet Malik Muhammad Jayasi is debatable).

Grover's timing is pitch-perfect and his delivery effortless. At least it comes across as effortless. The comedian-lyricist also sneaks in a 'snooping around' joke about BJP's Amit Shah, while taking several digs on Bhansali's overtly ostentatious filmmaking style and Shahid Kapoor's seemingly limited role in the epic drama.

However, Grover's best punches are reserved for an imaginary parrot, who was apparently Queen Padmavati's confidante but later flew off and went rogue and turned out to be the cause of several screw-ups as the he revealed many fort-secrets (Padmavati's beauty being one) to rival kings.

Watch the hilarious clip below.

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The Supreme Court will hear an appeal on Tuesday against a controversial Bollywood film, for the second time in as many weeks, as two states seek to re-impose a ban on the movie, based on an epic poem about a 14th-century queen.

The film 'Padmaavat' ran into trouble after groups critical of the project accused its director, Sanjay Leela Bhansali, of distorting history by portraying a Muslim ruler as the "lover" of Queen Padmavati of the Hindu Rajput warrior clan.

Monday's action comes after the Supreme Court last week cleared the way for the film's release and blocked state governments from imposing bans on it, saying it had been cleared for release by the censor panel.

Madhya Pradesh and Rajasthan, both ruled by Prime Minister Narendra Modi's Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), asked the court to modify its order for nationwide release of the film.

"We will hear the pleas tomorrow," Chief Justice Dipak Misra, who is heading a panel of three supreme court judges that will hear the case, said on Monday.

In its request to the court, the government of Rajasthan cited the need to prevent public unrest, in view of sentiment among the Rajput community.

The states' move comes against a backdrop of continued protests by right-wing groups, such as the Shri Rajput Karni Sena, which blocked traffic in parts of northern India on Sunday and shouted slogans demanding for a complete ban on the film.

Members of a Rajput community group called the Sarwa Kshatriya Mahasabha in Chhattisgarh have also threatened to disrupt screenings in theatres there.

The group plans to hold a protest meeting on Monday in Raipur, the state capital, to warn cinema owners, and will organise a human chain on Wednesday to demand a complete ban.

"We have already told the cinema-halls not to screen the film," Rakesh Singh Bais, the group's president, told Reuters. "If any one does, he will be responsible for the consequences."

Laali Lalitpur ki paali ke paan honth kar gayi gulaabi. Main kab se hairaan, honth kar gayi gulaabi. Arre, Banda ki baindi, aur Jhansi ke jhaala. Arre, Mau se mangaaye dahi, ho motiyan ki mala. Honth kar gayi gulaabi. Main kab se hairaan, honth kar gayi gulaabi

(Lalitpur's special paan's got my lips red. I'm astonished at how red they are! Banda's baindi, and Jhansi's jhaala, and from Mau, get me a string of pearls. My lips are red. I'm astonished at how red they are!)

Ever looked at the map of Uttar Pradesh closely? If you had, you'd see the very plump pup with a somewhat precariously broken front limb hampering it from galloping forth... and that's Lalitpur district.

Nestled in the midst of some of Madhya Pradesh's gorgeous districts, Shivpuri, Tikamgarh, Datia, and its fertile vast green fields and abundant paddy crops notwithstanding – Lalitpur is a much less glamorous member of the gang. It's female literacy rate has crawled from the 40+ to the 50% mark over the last decade; its Sahariya tribal population are stuck in an India so far from the smart one you know, its not funny.

And yet, there's something about Lalitpur.

There's something gurgling quite tantalizingly in this forgotten little corner hanging off the UP map. It was always in our fantasy, the myth of the sexy Lalitpur wali with the red lips; the fury with which the ladies of Lalitpur can move their hips o'night at the many nightclub-urf-melas we've attended (paralysed, let's just say).

But then we saw Manisha, and the Lalitpur wali stepped out of our fantasies and onto our Youtube screens. Here was the Madonna of our times and place, stunning, coquettish, with just the right tempo of flicking her wrists and her locks to keep you hooked – and a voice that kept crowds in thrall. Manisha and her all women singing troupe (she had performed with her mother and sister) – travelling the length and breadth of UP and MP for gigs, raking in a neat lakh or so a month in peak season time ('why would I need an alternative profession,' said Manisha to her conservative and fairly awestruck interviewer, when we first met), and radiating with the glow that comes from doing what you love, and doing it well. (And knowing it.) Not only was Manisha the front of travelling music troupe in one of the most feudal regions of the country, she was the mover and shaker: she solicited gigs, she negotiated rates, she organized transport, food, accommodation. In all possible ways, the pièce de résistance.

So there was definitely something about Manisha, but the ground she grew up on, dusty, parochial, unremarkable Mehroni town suddenly began to throw many young talents our way. Like the sureeli awaz vaali Ramdevi from Samogar village, whose parents' ignored her talent as a young lass, and she fought her way to singing classes. When she got married, she drew the battle lines – singing was not up for negotiation. And what do you know, found a partner-in crime in her elder brother-in-law, who not only supported her singing career, but travelled with her.

Then there's teenage Asha Chaurasiya, a singer songwriter from Kumehdi village, who learnt her art from her aunt, and has developed a writing and singing style that is collective and pieced from conversations and sessions from aunts at home. The theme, of course, like the all the Adeles and Avril Lavignes of the world, is love and longing. Asha isn't a professional yet, and lacks the pizazz of Manisha, but has already started winning cash prizes and accolades across the district.

In case you thought it was only the Ladies of the Canyon who were making Lalitpur a cultural hub, worry not. We stumbled upon a residential school run by a sweet-faced Sanjay Kumar, and providing free music classes to almost a 100 young hopefuls, with haircuts and harmonium and tabla playing styles right out of the Nineties. Which of course, is where it's at, in Bundelkhand as well as the rest of the world. The kids testify to the fact that the school fills the much needed gap in music education in the district, and opens up music to so many more talented young people. Which is clear to see!

Then there's Jahar Singh, the Mohammad Rafi of Bagashpur, hair stylishly streaked white and black, and a suave singer of any-type-of-music-the-audience-wants. Now in his forties, he's been singing and 'passing the time' playing the harmonium since he was in class 6, and now tours all over North India, regaling audiences with his classic good looks and versatility (smooth Ashiqui populated singles, and gritty folk).

We could go on and on. Even to the one about Pandeyji, Lalitpur's homegrown stand up comedian and poet, who is definitely reviving the district's cultural roots in a contemporary style. But that's another story. Meanwhile, mark this awkwardly shaped, but pretty scintillating venue out on 2018's cultural calendar.

(The opinions expressed in this post are the personal views of the author. They do not necessarily reflect the views of HuffPost India. Any omissions or errors are the author's and HuffPost India does not assume any liability or responsibility for them.)

I used to be an overweight child. In fact, I spent most of my school life being overweight. Thankfully, I'm no longer overweight (a little underweight, actually). However, back when I was in school, I honestly thought that if I took weight loss supplements, I could get rid of the excess weight quickly. After doing my research recently, however, I am profoundly thankful not to have done anything like that.

In 2013, the Times of India published an article about an Indian student in the UK, who died after reportedly abusing weight loss pills. The report stated that the supplement in question contained 2,4-dinitrophenol, which is a banned substance. Even the US Food and Drug Administration (USFDA) published an article cautioning people against taking weight loss supplements without medical approval and supervision. The article noted that the FDA has found hundreds of products that are marketed as dietary supplements but actually contain hidden active ingredients (components that make a medicine effective against a specific illness) that could be prescription drugs, unsafe or banned ingredients, or compounds that have not been adequately studied in humans. The article also pointed out that dietary supplements don't need FDA approval, and that just because a product is available doesn't mean that it is safe.

Until there are mandatory comprehensive testing and approval processes and systems, taking any sort of weight loss supplement is a risk, and should be avoided as far as possible.

An article, published by the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, cautioned that manufacturers of weight loss supplements rarely carry out studies to test whether their products are even effective. Even if they do conduct studies, the sample sizes are small and the subjects take the supplements only for a few weeks or months.

The problems associated with weight loss supplements in India are naturally similar to the problems faced in the US. On 15^th November 2017, the Times of India published another article on weight loss supplements, focusing on Garcinia Cambogia Extracts (GCE). Garcinia Cambogia is a plant grown in Indonesia and Karnataka. Extracts from the fruit are popularly used in weight loss supplements. The TOI article quoted Dr. Raman Goel, a senior bariatric surgeon, who said that supplements containing GCE have been found to have little or no weight loss benefits. He added that these products aren't even approved or regulated by the Food and Drug Administration.

There is, however, some law in place to regulate the ingredients that manufacturers can use in supplements. The Food Safety & Standards (Food Products Standards and Food Additives) Amendment Regulations, 2016, provides a list of approved ingredients for nutraceuticals, the types of food categories in which they can be used, and their permissible limits. The FSSAI is also working on new standards for product approval.

Until there are mandatory comprehensive testing and approval processes and systems, taking any sort of weight loss supplement is a risk, and should be avoided as far as possible. However, if you feel that you really need to take something, then it should be done only after taking medical advice, and under medical supervision. Honestly, I think that the best way to lose weight and get fit is through a proper diet and exercise regimen. It may take time, but it is safer and far more sustainable!

(The opinions expressed in this post are the personal views of the author. They do not necessarily reflect the views of HuffPost India. Any omissions or errors are the author's and HuffPost India does not assume any liability or responsibility for them.)

Facebook users are being warned to be on the lookout for a virus circulating through the Messenger app that tricks people into thinking they've been sent an incriminating video of themselves.

While it's not the first time the scam has targeted users on the social network, users have been told to be on alert and monitor the content of any messages they receive.

GadgetGuy's Val Quinn told Sunrise on Thursday morning that there's a few variants of the "sneaky virus" and that it's targeting users around the globe.

Put simply, users receive a message from one of their infected Facebook friends linking to a 'video' which when clicked directs them to another page outside of the site and prompts them to install an app such as Flash Player (spoiler alert: it's not really Flash Player).

"Basically you'll be taken to a webpage that tries to get you to install something. Once that happens -- that's the virus -- it's on your machine, then it goes back into Facebook and it sends the same virus out to all of your friends," Quinn said.

If you think you might've been infected, Quinn's advice is to change your Facebook password immediately and consider setting up two-factor authentication.

"From there you want to let your friends know, you want to put a post into Facebook saying 'I think I've been infected don't click on a message from me saying 'open a video''," he said.

While Quinn said it wasn't an easy virus to get rid of, users should check their Facebook settings because "if you're infected it may have put a rogue app in there, so you want to look at your apps and delete or disable any apps you don't recognise."

It's also important to check to see whether your Internet browser has been infected and if it has it's a good idea to completely remove and re-install it.

The last time an event like last night's happened was when India had just introduced paper currency to its people. Yes, that's how long ago an event like 'The Blue Blood Super Moon' happened in the history of mankind.

Although full moon in the entirety of its definition is not a rare existence since it occurs every 29.5 days, the Blue Blood Super Moon is probably the rarest of the rare occasions one will witness in this lifetime. It took all of 152 years for this day to see the face of earth.

To put this in perspective, it would be ideal to describe step by step what one may have witnessed or even better experienced last night, that is, on the night of January 31st.

First, Blue moon is a rare event that happens every three years or so, when we witness the full moon twice in one month.

Second, the Blood Moon occurs every time the Earth passes between the Moon and the Sun, thereby giving the moon a reddish tint. Hence, the name, more commonly known as the lunar eclipse.

Third, when the moon is at its closest point to Earth and appears to be 14 percent bigger and 30 percent brighter than normal, it is called Supermoon. Supermoon occurs once every 14 month.

Finally but most importantly, this rare phenomenon of a blue moon, a supermoon and lunar eclipse occurring simultaneously is what's known as the Blue Blood Super Moon. Therefore, it's needless to say that it was indeed a special day - a day many people don't but should know about. Last night when many of us were standing outside in the dark unaware of the fact that we were witnessing history, TATA decided to chase that magnificent moon along with its digital audiences. They took it upon themselves to make this auspicious day a memorable one for everyone.

No dream is beyond reach, if only you reach for the moon. And today, as the moon comes the closest it has to earth, in 150 years, why not capture this once-in-a-lifetime event forever? Share your supermoon photos and stories with us, tagging us and using the hashtag #ChaseTheSuperMoon. The best images stand a chance to be featured on our social handles.

A post shared by Tata Motors (@tatamotorsgroup) on Jan 31, 2018 at 12:56am PST

On the illustrious occasion that it was, TATA Motors launched an ingenious campaign called #ChaseTheSuperMoon, calling everyone to join in on the celebration by paying tribute to this rare cosmic event. Metaphorically, TATA's campaign inspired celebrities (to the likes of Sonam Kapoor) and dreamers like every one of us to 'reach for the moon' through its thought-provoking video and campaign where people shared their photos with the moon. TATA not only inspired but also shared many of these awe-inspiring photos to spread the motivation.

To know more click here.

Malaysia has barred controversial Bollywood film "Padmaavat" from being screened in theatres, the home ministry said on Friday, citing the movie's negative portrayal of a Muslim ruler.

The film has already attracted protests in India, after groups critical of the project accused its director, Sanjay Leela Bhansali, of distorting history by portraying the Muslim ruler as the "lover" of Queen Padmavati of the Hindu Rajput warrior clan.

Last month, India's Supreme Court allowed the film to be screened nationwide, despite moves to ban it in two states.

But in Muslim-majority Malaysia, authorities have instead rejected the portrayal of Sultan Alauddin Khilji and banned the film.

"He is portrayed as a Sultan who is arrogant, cruel, inhumane, devious with all kinds of trickery, unreliable and who does not fully practice Islamic teachings," the ministry said in a statement.

Malaysia's Film Censorship Board ruled that the movie was "not approved for screening", while an appeal lodged by the film's distributors was rejected on Tuesday, the ministry said.

Bollywood films are popular in Malaysia, where ethnic Indians make up seven percent of the country's 32 million people.

Malaysia has previously blocked the release of Hollywood movies deemed religiously insensitive, such as 1998's "The Prince of Egypt", which depicted the Biblical story of Moses, and 1995's "Babe", which featured a pig as the main character. Muslims consider pigs unclean.

Last May, the release of Walt Disney's "Beauty and the Beast" was held up over a "gay moment" in the film.

An estimated 90 migrants are feared to have drowned off the coast of Libya after a smuggler's boat capsized early on Friday, leaving three known survivors and 10 bodies washed up on shore, the International Organisation for Migration (IOM) said.

Survivors told aid workers that most of the migrants on board were Pakistanis, who make up a growing number of those attempting the hazardous voyage across the Mediterranean to Italy from North Africa, IOM spokeswoman Olivia Headon said.

"They have given an estimate of 90 people who drowned during the capsize, but we still need to verify the exact number of people who lost their lives during the tragedy," Headon, speaking from Tunis, told a Geneva news briefing.

"What has been reported to us is that it's mostly Pakistanis who were on board the boat, but we still need to verify the nationalities and how many from what country," she said.

Ten bodies have washed up on Libyan shores so far, two of them Libyans and the rest Pakistanis, she said.

"I believe the Libyan coastguard is looking for other survivors off the coast," Headon added.

Another IOM spokesman, Leonard Doyle, told Reuters Television that the boat was believed to have left shore on Thursday before capsizing early on Friday morning.

LURE OF "EL DORADO"

The tragedy demonstrates the continued allure of Europe for desperate migrants fleeing conflicts and poverty, Doyle said, despite tighter surveillance of the main smuggling routes by the Libyan coastguard, backed up by European cash and know-how.

"They (the migrants) are lured there by social media. They get onto a phone, they are promised El Dorado, they think life is going to be great. And before they know it, they are getting into the hands of awful criminal, extorting people - smugglers, traffickers, this dreadful, shocking torture," he said.

Earlier on Friday security officials in the western Libyan town of Zuwara said two Libyans and one Pakistani had been rescued from the boat. They also confirmed the recovery of 10 bodies, mostly Pakistani, but gave no further information.

Zuwara, located near Libya's border with Tunisia, was a favoured site for migrant boat departures over the past two years but of late has seen only occasional departures. A statement from the Zuwara coastguard said their initial information suggested there were some 90 people on board.

Libya is the main gateway for migrants trying to cross to Europe by sea, though numbers have dropped sharply since July as Libyan factions and authorities - under pressure from Italy and the European Union - have begun to block departures.

More than 600,000 people are believed to have made the journey from Libya to Italy over the past four years.

Prior to Friday's incident, some 6,624 migrants are believed to have arrived in Europe by sea so far this year and a further 246 have died, according to IOM figures.

The Libyan coastguard, which receives EU funding and training, has become more assertive in recent months in intercepting migrants and bringing them back to Libya.

Activists have criticised the policy, saying migrants often face extreme hardship and abuse in Libya, including forced labour, according to Human Rights Watch and other rights groups.

Migrants who are caught trying to cross to Italy are put in severely overcrowded detention centres authorised by the interior ministry.

MUMBAI -- The Securities and Exchange Board of India (SEBI) late on Wednesday barred Price Waterhouse from auditing listed companies in the country for two years, after a probe into a nearly decade-old accounting fraud case in a software services company that became India's biggest corporate scandal.

Ramalinga Raju, founder and former chairman of the erstwhile software services exporter Satyam Computer Services, stunned Indian markets and investors in January 2009, when he admitted that the firm had overstated earnings and assets for several years, in a fraud of more than $1 billion sometimes referred to as "India's Enron".

Price Waterhouse was Satyam's auditor during the period in which the fraud was perpetrated.

In its order, the SEBI, on Wednesday said any entities or firms practicing as chartered accountants in India under the brand and banner of PW, shall not directly or indirectly issue any certificate of audit of listed companies, or their intermediaries that are registered with the regulator for a period of two years.

"The network structure of operations adopted by the international accounting firm should not be used as a shield to avoid legal implications arising out of the certifications issued under the brand name of the network," SEBI said in a 108-page order.

In India, all audit functions within the group are conducted under the Price Waterhouse (PW) brand, with a network of local firms operating under the banner. The broader PwC entity handles consulting, tax advisory and other businesses.

"The SEBI order relates to a fraud that took place nearly a decade ago in which we played no part and had no knowledge of," Price Waterhouse said in a release.

"There has been no intentional wrong doing by PW firms in the unprecedented management perpetrated fraud at Satyam, nor have we seen any material evidence to the contrary," said Price Waterhouse, adding it was confident of getting a court to stay the order before it becomes effective.

To avoid operational difficulties, SEBI said its order will not impact audit assignments relating to the ongoing 2017-18 financial year, already undertaken by firms forming part of the PW network.

SEBI also ordered Price Waterhouse, Bangalore and two of its erstwhile partners to jointly forfeit "wrongful gains" of about 131 million rupees ($2.06 million) plus interest within 45 days.

Indian IT firm Tech Mahindra, part of the Mahindra Group, bought control of Satyam in an auction in April 2010.

Satyam and PricewaterhouseCoopers agreed in 2011 to pay a combined $17.5 million to settle U.S. probes into the accounting fraud.

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