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'Handmaid's Tale' Meets 'Sex And The City' In Funny, Terrifying 'SNL' Spoof

May 12, 2018, 11:16 pm
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If you can’t laugh, you’ll cry. That seemed to be the eerie message of a scary mashup on “Saturday Night Live” of “Sex and the City” and the terrifying dystopian world of “The Handmaid’s Tale.”

In the skit “Handmaids in the City,” Amy Schumer has an interior monologue à la Carrie Bradshaw and laughs — uproariously — a lot, even when the situation is horrifying. She and her pals are light years from Carrie’s independent life in a dark, anti-feminist future where they’re forced to dress in the white bonnets and red robes of the enslaved remaining fertile women.

Kate McKinnon appears as a handmaid missing an eye for punishment (like Janine in the actual “Handmaid’s Tale”) and has a giggle over the community’s ”under his eye” greeting. 

When Cecily Strong tells Aidy Bryant, laughingly, that she’s “bad,” for a naughty joke, Schumer smiles and says, “Yeah but not too bad or ... aaaack,” as she twists her head and neck back in a hanging pose. 

“It’s a show critics are calling ‘so brutal’ and ‘more uplifting than the news,’” the voiceover says in a spoof promo.

The promo continues: “You’ll laugh, you’ll cry, you’ll say, ‘Oh my God, this so could be me and my friends. You know, with the way things are going.’”

Check out the video up top.

CORRECTION: A previous version of this story incorrectly identified the TV series as “Sex in the City.” Its correct title is “Sex and the City.”

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6 Incredible Photos That Show The World We Need To Protect

May 12, 2018, 5:00 am
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We have a pretty dysfunctional relationship with the planet. We lap up its resources to provide us what we need or crave, yet many people feel disconnected from the natural world.

It’s this disconnect that Canadian conservationist photojournalist Neil Ever Osborne wants to address. He has spent the last 15 years traveling to some of the world’s most untouched places ― in countries from Canada to Ecuador ― to capture images of a natural world desperately in need of protection.

His aim is to make the environment more accessible by pulling out a common thread in all his pictures: the idea of a quest to find a home, a place to exist and thrive.

“There is lots of doom and gloom surrounding the conversation about the environment,” Osborne said, “but there are still some special places left. My hope is that these images ... a road slashed through a forest, a venerable grizzly bear in its sanctuary, depict our shared yet threatened home with honesty and optimism.”

Keep scrolling to see some of his images and commentary.

1. A green sea turtle in Costa Rica

While returning to the sea after nesting, a green sea turtle rests on a plastic bottle in Tortuguero National Park, Costa Rica.

“Plastic is so omnipresent in our oceans that our beaches become littered with it after it washes up on shore. As a sea turtle stops to rest during her journey back to sea after nesting, she lies on a plastic bottle, a sign of our polluted and sick home.”

2. A road slices through a forest in British Columbia, Canada

Aerial perspective of a road bisecting a forest near Stuart River, south of Stuart Lake, in British Columbia, Canada.

“Our home is divided and fragmented, and as a consequence nature is disconnected. As humanity becomes more and more disconnected with nature we lose the interest in protecting what protects us.”

3. Macaws in Ecuador

The blue-and-yellow macaw, also known as the blue-and-gold macaw, flying above the Tiputini River in Ecuador.

“High above one of the most biologically diverse places on the planet, blue and yellow macaws soar above the canopy of Yasuni National Park, Ecuador. Impending pressure from oil and gas threaten the bird’s home, a treasure in the Ecuadorian Amazon, leaving us to question how humanity will manage the last great stands of towering forests.”

4. A girl in Kayapó Territory, Brazilian Amazon

Portrait of a young girl from Kendjam village in Kayapó Territory, Brazilian Amazon.

“Her eyes say, ‘This is my home.’ The Kayapó peoples of the Brazilian Amazon defend one of the largest remaining contiguous blocks of rainforest in the world.”

5. A northern elephant seal in California

A northern elephant seal playing in a tide pool near Piedras Blancas in Big Sur, California.

“Northern elephant seal pups play in emphemeral tide pools, yet to be affected by the stress they will endure as an adult.”

6. A grizzly bear in British Columbia

A grizzly bear in Canada’s first and only grizzly bear sanctuary, the Khutzeymateen Provincial Park, a haven for the iconic wild animal in northern British Columbia.

“Nestled within the majestic fjords and mountains of the Pacific Northwest in British Columbia, Canada, grizzly bears find home in a protected area known as the Khutzeymateen, Canada’s only grizzly bear sanctuary. Here, man and nature coexist in harmony and we learn how ecotourism can play an active role in the conservation of this iconic species.”

• Neil Ever Osborne’s fine art exhibit, HOME, is running through May 31 at Berenson Fine Art in Toronto.

For more content and to be part of the ‘This New World’ community, follow our Facebook page. 

HuffPost’s ‘This New World’ series is funded by Partners for a New Economy and the Kendeda Fund. All content is editorially independent, with no influence or input from the foundations. If you have an idea or tip for the editorial series, send an email to thisnewworld@huffpost.com.

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At Least 11 Killed, Dozens Injured In Indonesia Church Bombings

May 13, 2018, 1:39 am
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Motorcycles burn following a blast at the Pentecost Church Central Surabaya (GPPS), in Surabaya, East Java, Indonesia May 13, 2018.

SURABAYA, Indonesia (Reuters) - Suicide bombers suspected to be from an Islamic State-inspired group killed at least 11 people and wounded 40 in attacks on Christians attending Sunday morning services at three churches in Indonesia’s second-largest city of Surabaya, officials said.

Indonesia, the world’s largest Muslim-majority country, has seen a recent resurgence in homegrown militancy inspired in part by Islamic State.

East Java police spokesman Frans Barung Mangera said explosions took place in three churches and at least 11 had died and 40 had been taken to hospital. He called on people to remain calm.

“All places where the public can gather, security has been tightened in those places,” he told a news conference.

Earlier, he told Reuters that an unexploded device at one location had been “secured”.

Television footage showed one church where the yard in front appeared engulfed in fire, with thick, black smoke billowing up. A large blast was heard hours after the attacks, which Mangera said was a bomb disposal squad dealing with a device.

There was no immediate claim of responsibility for the attacks.

Wawan Purwanto, communication director at Indonesia’s intelligence agency said Islamic State-inspired group Jemaah Ansharut Daulah (JAD) was believed to be behind the bombings.

JAD is an umbrella organization on a U.S. State Department “terrorist” list that is estimated to have drawn hundreds of Islamic State sympathizers in Indonesia. 

The attacks come days after militant Islamist prisoners killed five members of an elite counter-terrorism force during a 36-hour standoff at a high-security jail on the outskirts of the capital, Jakarta.

The church attacks were likely linked to the prison hostage standoff, Purwanto said.

“The main target is still security authorities, but we can say that there are alternative [targets] if the main targets are blocked,” he said.

A person injured from a blast at the Indonesian Christian Church is evacuated to a waiting ambulance in Surabaya, East Java, Indonesia May 13, 2018.

SUICIDE ATTACK USED MOTORBIKE

At St Mary’s catholic church, the first place of worship to be attacked, the bombing happened after an earlier mass was over and when the church was getting ready to hold another service.

Inspector general Machfud Arifin told CNN Indonesia the suicide attack at St Mary’s was carried out using a motorbike.

A witness interviewed by CNN Indonesia said shortly before the explosion he saw a person on a motorbike drive in carrying a cardboard box.

Separately, an internal police report reviewed by Reuters said a suspected bomb exploded in a car in the parking lot of a Pentacostal church, setting alight dozens of motorbikes.

In the third location, the Indonesian Christian Church, two veiled women entered the church’s yard where they were stopped by a security guard before an explosion occurred at the same spot, according to the police report.

Television images showed toppled and burnt motorcycles and debris scattered around the entrance of one church and police cordoning off areas as crowds gathered.

President Joko Widodo was due to visit the wounded in Surabaya on Sunday, police said, while Indonesia’s Foreign Minister Retno Masudi condemned the attacks.

“We will not back down in the fight against terrorism,” Marsudi said in a message sent on Twitter.

A spokesman for PGI, Indonesia’s church association, called on the government for more help on security at churches.

“PGI is concerned because this had happened many times and often taken place around the time of Sunday services,” said Jeirry Sumampow, a spokesman for the Indonesia’s Communion of Churches.

Nearly 90 percent of Indonesians are Muslim, but the country is also home to sizeable communities of Hindus, Christians, Buddhists, and people who adhere to traditional beliefs.

Indonesia has had some major successes tackling militancy inspired by al Qaeda’s attacks on the United States in 2001. But there has been a resurgence of Islamist activity in recent years, some of it linked to the rise of Islamic State.

The most serious incident was in January 2016 when four suicide bombers and gunmen attacked a shopping area in central Jakarta.

Churches have also been targeted previously, including near-simultaneous attacks on churches there at Christmas in 2000 that killed about 20 people.

(Additional reporting by Fransiska Nangoy, Agustinus Beo Da Costa and Gayatri Suroyo; Writing by Ed Davies; Editing by Simon Cameron-Moore and Lincoln Feast.)

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6 Dalit Youth Arrested By Meerut Police For Allegedly Planning 'Revenge' For Bhim Army Member's Death

May 13, 2018, 11:57 pm
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File photo.

In the aftermath of the murder of a Dalit man and Bhim Army member Sachin Walia, reports suggest that the police have arrested six Dalit men for allegedly conspiring to incite caste violence in Uttar Pradesh. Reports say that according to the police, they planned to kill an upper caste leader.

The Times of India reported that Ravindra Bharat, Rahul and Satveer were arrested from Hastinapur, Bunty and Nitin from Modinagar in Ghaziabad, and Deepak from Brahmapuri. They were all arrested from their homes and interrogated over the weekend.

The arrest comes close on the heels of Walia, the brother of Saharnpur's Bhim Army chief, being shot dead. While Walia's family have claimed that he was a victim of caste violence by the upper caste Rajput, the police have claimed that his death was because of accidental firing.

Report say that no arms were found with the six men arrested, but the police confiscated their phones.

Additional Superintendent of Police, Rural (Meerut), Rajesh Kumar told Indian Express, "A conversation between Rahul and Nitin revealed that they planned to kill a leading upper caste leader in Saharanpur, to avenge the death of Sachin and to disturb law and order. Later, other conversations showed more people were involved in the planning. They had arranged the weapon and vehicle for the crime and were planning to leave for Saharanpur soon."

The police said that they had been keeping a track of social media activity since the death of Walia.

The Times of India report says that the arrested youth shared "inflammatory" WhatsApp messages on groups that have at least 80-100 members each.

However the police have no information on who the group had planned to target or what their political affiliation is.

The Bhim Army has denied that the 6 Dalit youth were affiliated to them.

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Shashi Tharoor Charged With Abetment Of Suicide In Sunanda Pushkar Murder Case

May 14, 2018, 3:10 am
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Congress MP and former minister of state Shashi Tharoor has been named in the charge sheet filed by the Delhi police in the murder of his wife Sunanda Pushkar.

The 3000-page chargesheet was filed before Metropolitan Magistrate Dharmender Singh under Sections 306 (Abetment of suicide) and 498A (Husband or relative of husband of a woman subjecting her to cruelty) in New Delhi's Patiala Court on Monday.

Reacting to the news, Tharoor took to Twitter saying:

News18 reports that the charge sheet says that the cause of Pushkar's suicide was marital discord and that "one party led the other to commit suicide".

The news report claims that Tharoor's name was mentions in column 2 of the charge sheet since police do not have enough evidence against him.

The prosecution is likely to request the court to summon the MP.

The next hearing of the case is on May 24.

A special investigation team that was formed to investigate Pushkar's death had told the Supreme Court last month that it had prepared a final draft report.

Deputy Commissioner of Police Romil Baaniya, who was supervising the probe, had told the court in April, "As soon as the draft police report is received after legal vetting by the prosecution department, the same shall be submitted before the competent trial court for consideration and concomitant judicial proceedings."

Pushkar had was found dead under mysterious circumstances at the Leela Hotel in Delhi on January 17, 2014.

Editor's note: This is a developing story, further details are awaited.

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Karnataka Election Results 2018 Live: JD(S) Back In The Game As BJP Leads Reduce To 106, Congress Leading In 74 Seats

May 14, 2018, 6:32 pm
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1:56 pm: Crucial Losses In These Constituencies Contributed To Congress Defeat

The Congress had won 122 seats in the 2013 assembly election, but this for now it is leading in only 74 seats. It has become likely that the BJP would form government in Karnataka, with the party leading in 106 of the 224 constituencies.

There are particular constituencies that contributed to Congress defeat. Read more on them here:

1:30 pm: BJP Wins Bellweather Shirahatti

BJP's Ramappa Sobeppa Lamani won in the Shirahatti constituency, beating Congress' Doddamani Ramakrishna Shidlingappa in Karnataka's bellweather constituency Shirahatti with a margin of over 30,000 votes.

Shirahatti has historically always picked the winning party. During the 2013 elections the Congress had won by a margin of 300 votes.

1:25 pm: BJP Now Leading In 106 Seats, Giving Hope To Congress And JD(S)

According to the Election Commission numers, the BJP has won 17 seats and is leading in 89 seats. This is less than the seats it was leading in earlier in the morning.

The Congress has won 3 seats and leading in 71.

The JD(S) is leading in 39 seats.

If the BJP's leads reduce further, the party is unlikely to pass the majority mark. This brings JD(S) back into the game.

Even though BJP will have the highest seats, it will not have majority, in which case it will need to have an alliance with another party. At the same time if Congress and JD(S) form an alliance it will be possible for them to beat the BJP in numbers.

1:10 pm: An Empty Congress Office As BJP Heads To Victory

12:54 pm: BJP Minister Rajyavardhan Rathore Thinks All Oppostion Parties Are 'Gandagi'

The BJP does want a Congress Mukt Bharat, but if Union Minister Rajyavardhan Rathore's words are to be believed, the BJP wants a country without an opposition party.

12:48 pm: BJP Leader Ram Madhav Praises Sangh Parivar For Karnataka Win

BJP is certainly headed for victory, and BJP leader Ram Madhav says that much of the credit goes to the Sangh Parivar.

He told ANI:

It must be noted that coastal Karnataka is the Hindutva heartland of the state. He also, of course, heaped praise on Amit Shah and Narendra Modi.

12:44 pm: Toxic, Divisive Politics Of Congress Rejected, Says Nirmala Sitharaman

BJP leader Nirmala Sitharama took a dig at the Congress saying the toxic politics of the party had been rejected.

PTI quoted her as saying, "It is a historic day for the party and the win was an endorsement of Modi's development agenda. People have rejected divisive, toxic and negative politics of the Congress."

12:30 pm: BJP Wins 2 Seats, Leading In 111 Seats

The BJP has one two seats so far in Karnataka and now leading in 111 seats. The Congress is leading in 64 seats. However the Congress has retained more vote share than the BJP. The BJP vote share is 36.9% and the Congress vote share is at 37.9%

12:15 pm: India Should Worry About BJP's 'Congress Mukt Bharat Slogan', Says Party Spokesperson

During a debate on NDTV during the counting of poles, Congress spokesperson Pawan Khera said, "Not just Congress, but all of Bharat should worry about BJP's Congress Mukt Bharat slogan."

12:10 pm: Ravishankar Prasad Credits PM Modi For BJP's Performance In Karnataka

12:04 pm: Celebrations Begin In BJP Party Headquarters In Delhi

12:01 pm: JD(S) Candidate HD Kumarasamy Leading From Ramanagara

JD(S) president and HD Deve Gowda's son HD Kumaraswamy leading in Ramanagara as well as Channapatna constituency. The 58-year-old politician was Karnataka chief minister for a year and a half.

12:00 pm: Prakash Javadekar Takes A Dig At Congress

11:50 am: Congress Leaders Know They Are Losing, But Won't Blame Rahul Gandhi

The Congress is losing to the BJP yet again, but local leaders refuse to blame it on Rahul Gandhi. Karnataka Congress Minister DV Shivkumar told ANI that the loss is not because of Rahul Gandhi.

11:50 am: Will Afzalpur Choose Congress Again?

While BJP's Malikayya Venkayya Guttedar was in a clear lead earlier in the morning in Afzalpur, he is now in a neck and neck battle with Congress candidate MY Patil. Guttedar is a six-time MLA from the Afzalpur constituency, but when he was with the Congress. Guttedar moved to BJP in April.

11:30 am: People Have Rejected Siddaramaiah, Says JD(S) Candidate GT Devegowda

11:15 am: Five Important Constituencies Show BJP Surging Ahead, Congress Trailing, JD(S) Steady

Early trends on Tuesday morning show the Bharatiya Janata Party making significant gains over the ruling Congress in Karnataka as the counting of votes began in the state assembly election. At 11 am, BJP was leading in 112 of the 224 constituencies where polls were held on 12 May. The Congress was leading in 57, and the Janata Dal (Secular) in 37 seats. The trends from five important constituencies are a big clue on how Karnataka has voted this assembly election. Read the entire story here.

11:10 am: BJP Workers Say They Are Winning Because Of Modi And Amit Shah

11:05 am: The BJP Is Now Leading In 112 Seats

The BJP is now leading in 112 seats in Karnataka, the half way mark, while the Congress trails behind leading in 57 seats.

10:56 am: Chhattisgarh CM Is Already Calling It A BJP Win

10:51 am: Congress Mukt Bharat Is Coming True, Says BJP Worker

As the BJP inches closer to winning a clear majority in Karnataka, it is all celebrations at the party office in Bengaluru. The promise PM Narendra Modi had made during the run up to the 2014 general elections is coming true -- India without the Congress.

10:40 am: BJP Is Now Leading In 102 Seats, Congress Trails Behind At 53

Looks like the BJP will manage to boot Congress out and will it's 21st state in India. Trends show that it is leading in 102 seats and the Congress is trailing behind with leads in only 53 seats. Sadananda Gowda is right, if the trends continue in this manner, the saffron party will not need an alliance.

10:25 am: It's Neck And Neck Between Congress And BJP In Badami

Chief Minister Siddaramaiah, who was trailing far behind BJP in Chamundeshwari is now giving BJP candidate B Sreeramalu tough competition in Badami. However, overall, the BJP is surging far ahead of the Congress.

10:07 am: We Are Crossing 112 Seats, Says BJP's Sadananda Gowda

Before counting day, the Congress and the BJP were both said to be in talks with the JD(S) in case of a hung assembly, predicted by exit polls. But like every time, early trends are proving the exit polls wrong and are tipped heavily in favour of the BJP. The party is already confident that it will come to power, pushing out Congress from yet another state.

10:00 am: Celebrations In BJP Office As Early Trends Are In Favour Of The Party

With the BJP surging ahead of the Congress in leads -- BJP 78, Congress 45, JD(S) 36 -- celebrations begun in the party office in Bengaluru.

9:52 am: Former Congress Leader Malikayya Venkayya Guttedar Who Joined BJP Leads In Afzalpur

It's good news from BJP from all corners. It's candidate Malikayya Venkayya Guttedar is leading from the Afzalpur constituency. While Guttedar had won the seat six times as a Congress candidate, he moved ovder to the BJP in April. Looks like the voters in Afzalpur care more about the candidate than the party.

9:45 am: BJP Leading in 61 Seats, Congress In 45, JD(S) In 25

The official Election Commission trends show that the BJP is way ahead of the Congress leading in 61 seats. Congress trails far behind with leads in 45 seats. JD(S) is leading in a solid 25 seats.

But while experts said that JD(S) may play kingmaker, if BJP's trends actually turn into wins, it may not be so.

9:25 am: CM Siddaramaiah Trails In Chamundeshwari

Incumbent Chief Minister Siddaramaiah is trailing far behind the JD(S) candidate in the Chamundeshwari constituency. BJP candidate S.R Gopalrao has lesser votes than Siddaramaiah. Are BJP's Congress Mukt Bharat dreams coming true?

9:20 am: 'Modi Ji Karega Desh Ka Upkaar, Congress Karega Sarvanash'

As the trends tip in favour of BJP, risking Congress losing one of its last strongholds in the country, A flower seller in Bengaluru tells Politics Editor Betwa Sharma that he is in support of the Prime Minister.

9:10 am: BJP Is Leading In Shirahatti, Karnataka's Bellweather Constituency

According to Election Commission numbers, BJP is leading in Shirahatti. It's considered a bellwether constituency. In the last dozen elections (state and central), it has always voted for a candidate from the winning party. Since May 2013, it has been held by Congress MLA Ramakrishna Doddamani.

8:53 am: Official Election Commission Trends Show BJP Leading In 3 Seats, Congress In 1

8:45 am: Early Trends Show Its Going To Be Neck And Neck Between Congress And BJP

Here are the early trends from different news sources:

8:40 am: Do Or Die For Rahul, As BJP Seeks Congress Mukt Bharat

As news of early leads trickles in, Betwa Sharma has the story on the implications of Karnataka's results for the 2019 General Election. Read it here:

8:30 am: Early Trends In -- HD Kumarasamy, BS Yedyurappa Leading In Their Constituencies

CNN News18 reports that HD Kumarasamy is leading from Ramnagara where he is pitted against sitting BJP MLA CP Yogishwar and transport minister HM Revanna.

BJP's Sriramalu, who was seen praying a few minutes ago, is trailing from Badami while Siddaramaiah leads.

BS Yedyurappa is leading from Shikaripura

8:15 am: Will It Be Advantage BJP?

While the exit polls have predicted a hung assembly, IP Bajpai, in a blog on NDTV, writes that BJP may have an advantage over the Congress and JD(S).

Read the entire blog here.

8:00 am: Counting Of Votes Begins

Counting has begun across 38 centres in the state. ANI reports that postal ballots will be counted first. While leads on important seats will be seen soon, clear trends should be clear by mid-morning.

7:49 am: Candidates Turn To Havans And Poojas Before Counting Starts

7:35 am: BJP's Candidate B. Sriramalu Prays Before Counting Begins

7:30 am: HT's Cheat Sheet For Early Trends.

While we wait for the counting of votes to begin, he is an interesting cheat-sheet for reading the early trends by Roshan Kishore of Hindustan Times. Read it here.

7:25 am: Confident Yedyurappa Has Already Declared Date For Oath Taking Ceremony

The BJP has maintained in the last week that it is going to win the Karnataka Assembly Elections. But, BS Yedyurappa is so confident of his victory, he declared yesterday that he will take oath as chief minister on May 17.

7:10 am: Massive Security Cover Across Karnataka For Counting Day

7:00 am: Counting Of Votes To Begin At 8 am

The counting of votes for the Karnataka Assembly polls is to begin at 8:00 am on Tuesday morning amidst tight security at 38 centres across the state. Of the 38 centres, five are in Bengaluru.

After a record voter turnout of more than 72% on May 12, most exit polls predict a hung assembly after a neck and neck race between the key contenders -- the ruling Congress and the opposition BJP.

Karnataka has a total of 224 assembly constituencies, which means the winning party will need to win 113 seats to form a government. The Janata Dal (Secular) is likely to emerge as kingmaker in the event of a hung assembly.

Reports suggest that both the Congress and the BJP are wooing the JD(S) for post poll alliances, while all three parties have claimed that they will win.

Amit Shah said on Sunday that he was certain that the BJP will come to power. Meanwhile Congress leader Veerappa Moily rubbished exit polls and said it would be a victory for India's Grand Old Party.

The Karnataka polls are crucial for both the Congress and the BJP. If the Congress wins, it would be the first time that a party would be re-elected in the state. In the years since Modi was elected to power, Congress has been unable to hold on to power in state polls. Since the BJP has come to power at the Centre, the Congress has lost Maharashtra, Rajasthan, Haryana, Uttarakhand, Assam and Manipur to the BJP. It has now been reduced to ruling in only four states including Karnataka.

For the BJP, a win in Karnataka would further solidify its aim of a Congress-mukt Bharat (Congress free India). This would also mean that the BJP would keep up its winning streak in state elections, that will boost its image in the upcoming state elections in Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh this year, and also the 2019 general elections.

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Karnataka Elections: Do Or Die For Rahul, As BJP Seeks Congress Mukt Bharat

May 14, 2018, 7:47 pm
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BENGALURU, INDIA - MAY 10: All India Congress Committee president Rahul Gandhi flanked by Karnataka Pradesh Congress Committee president G Parmeshwara (L) and Karnataka Chief Minister Siddaramaiah (R) during a press conference on the last day of campaigning ahead of state assembly election at a city hotel on May 10, 2018 in Bengaluru, India. (Photo by Arijit Sen/Hindustan Times via Getty Images)

BENGALURU, Karnataka: Reporters have descended on India's Silicon Valley to cover the culmination of the hard-fought Assembly election, described by analysts as the "semifinal" to the general election in 2019.

Karnataka, presently under the Siddaramaiah-led Congress government, was the first southern state where the BJP came to power in 2008. Four years of mis-governance, corruption and infighting led to a crushing defeat in the 2013 state election. Its chief minister, BS Yeddyuruppa, who wields considerable influence in the Lingayat community, was arrested in connection with alleged land scams, and formed his own party in 2013.

Now Yeddyuruppa is back, and the BJP is hoping to consolidate its gains from the 2014 general election when the Modi wave means the party won 17 of 28 Lok Sabha seats.

A win today would leave the BJP just two states and one Union Territory away from actualizing Modi's dream of a "Congress-mukt Bharat."

The election, which saw Modi take on Congress party president Rahul Gandhi and Chief Minister Siddaramaiah, is first and foremost a test for Rahul Gandhi, to see if the Congress really can emerge as a viable alternative to be BJP in 2019.

For the Congress, as one senior party official put it, Karnataka is a "do or die" battle.

The Congress leader explained that a loss would make it harder to pitch Rahul Gandhi as the leader of a potential third front to challenge the BJP in 2019. Gandhi, during the election campaign in Karnataka, said that he could be prime minister if the Congress would come to power.

But first the Congress needs to counter the BJP's tried and testing formula for winning elections.

During the course of the state election, BJP's lawmaker from Belagavi, Sanjay Patil, declared, "This election is not about road, drainage or drinking water. This election is about Hindu and Muslim religions."

Hindutva, in this election campaign, was not confined to the coastal belt, a stronghold of the Sangh Parivar, which is trapped in a vicious cycle of bloodshed between Hindu and Islamic fundamentalists.

"If this election was fought on development then Congress will come to power. If this election was fought on anti-corruption then the Congress will come to power. If this election was fought on communalism then it is a challenge," said Madhu Goud Yakshi, a Congressman in charge of his party's campaign in Karnataka. "But let me tell you this, the silent majority even in the coast, does not like communalization. The BJP will learn that."

While the BJP sought to polarize voters over issues like legacy of Tipu Sultan and the murders of Hindu activists in the state, the Congress tried to drop charges against Muslims accused in communal violence cases.

Kingmaker

Ultimately, the fate of this election could lie in the hands of former prime minister's H.D. Deve Gowda's and his regional party, Janata Dal (Secular), which is in alliance with Mayawati's Bahujan Samaj Party.

Eight major exit-poll surveys have predicted that neither national party will get the 113 seats need for a clear majority, and the JD(S), with its 20 to 40 seats, will be kingmaker. Six out of these eight surveys had BJP picking up more seats than the Congress.

A potential Congress-JD(S) tie up is complicated by a history of bad blood between Gowda and Siddaramaiah, who was previously with the JD(S). Yet Siddaramaiah's remark, that he would stepp aside for a Dalit chief minister, made one day after the exit poll results, triggered speculation of the Congress was laying the groundwork for a tie up with the JD(S).

During the course of the campaign, Gandhi had referred to JD(S) as BJP's 'B team.'

Gowda hit back. "Let us be frank, he still has a long way to go to develop leadership. He does not even know to how to talk about a party that is headed by a former PM."

During the campaign, Modi appeared to be reaching out to Gowda. "Deve Gowda is among the tallest leaders of the country. You are insulting him," Modi said.

Two days later, the prime minister said, "Everyone is of the opinion that JD(S) will finish as the poor, distant third."

Meanwhile, Dalit leader and Congress parliamentarian, Mallikarjun Kharge, who won the Gurmitkal Assembly constituency eight times in the past, has indicated that he is open to being chief minister. "We are expecting a majority. If it doesn't come, we will think at the time what we will do," he said.

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Karnataka Elections 2018: Five Important Constituencies Show BJP Surging Ahead, Congress Trailing, JD(S) Steady

May 14, 2018, 10:40 pm
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An Indian election official (R) puts indeliable ink on the finger of a voter before she casts her ballot in the Karnataka Legislative Assembly Elections at a polling station in Bangalore on May 12, 2018. - Voting in a key Indian state opened May 12 amid dirty tricks claims by the two leading parties after nearly 10,000 voting cards were seized by election authorities. The opposition Congress party, which has dominated India's politics in the seven decades since independence, is fighting to retain control of its last major state, Karnataka, amid a fierce onslaught by Prime Minister Narendra Modi's ruling Hindu nationalist party. (Photo by MANJUNATH KIRAN / AFP) (Photo credit should read MANJUNATH KIRAN/AFP/Getty Images)

Early trends on Tuesday morning show the Bharatiya Janata Party making significant gains over the ruling Congress in Karnataka as the counting of votes began in the state assembly election. At 11 am, BJP was leading in 112 of the 224 constituencies where polls were held on 12 May. The Congress was leading in 57, and the Janata Dal (Secular) in 37 seats. The trends from five important constituencies are a big clue on how Karnataka has voted this assembly election.

Chamundeshwari

The JD(S)' G.T Deve Gowda has a massive lead over Congress' Siddaramaiah in the south Karnataka constituency. With over 47,000 votes as compared the current chief minister's 29,000-odd votes, Deve Gowda is expected to easily retain his seat in Chamundeshwari, where he has been the MLA since the 2013 polls.

Interestingly, Siddaramaiah was once Deve Gowda's mentor at Congress, until they fell apart more than a decade ago. Siddaramaiah has won from Chamundeshwari in the past until he moved to Varuna constituency. However, Deve Gowda has won several local and the 2013 assembly election from the constituency, where he enjoys massive support. The 66-year-old three-time MLA was a Congress party member once, and briefly joined BJP before moving to JD(S). Before the election, Deve Gowda asserted that he would emerge a "giant killer" in the Chamundeshwari constituency.

Badami

It's a neck and neck race between chief minister Siddaramaiah and BJP's B Sreeramulu. Badami is considered a "safe" Congress seat in north Karnataka. Members of the Kuruba community dominate this district. Siddaramaiah also belongs to the same community.

Congress' Chimmanakatti Balappa Bhimappa won the 2013 assembly election from Badami with a comfortable margin of over 15,000 votes.

Varuna

Congress chief minister Siddaramaiah vacated this seat for the political debut of his son, S Yathindra. Early trends suggest that the Congress candidate will win with a comfortable margin in this constituency, which is considered a Congress bastion.

Both the BJP and JD(S) candidates in the constituency are trailing far behind Congress. The BJP was to field former chief minister B.S. Yeddyurappa's son, B.Y. Vijayendra in Varuna, but the party later decided against this move.

ALSO READ: We Are Winning Because Of Modi And Amit Shah, Says BJP Workers As Party Leads In Majority Seats

Shikaripura

Former chief minister and BJP Karnataka chief B.S. Yeddyurappa has a comfortable lead in this constituency. The BJP chief ministerial candidate has over 36,000 votes, as compared to his closest competitor, Congress' Goni Malatesha's 21,000-odd votes.

The 75-year-old BJP veteran has won from Shikaripura in both the 2008 and 2013 assembly elections and looks set for a victory from this constituency again.

Shirahatti

This constituency is considered a bellwether seat. It has elected a candidate from the winning party in a dozen assembly and Lok Sabha elections. Since May 2013, it has been held by Congress MLA Ramakrishna Doddamani, but this time BJP's Ramappa Sobeppa Lamani has surged ahead with over 42,000 votes polled in his favour, as compared to Doddamani's 29,000-odd votes.

With the BJP leading in 112 seats at 11 am, the result in Shirahatti might be a big clue on where the state's electorate is tilting in this assembly election.

Follow HuffPost India's live blog on Karnataka elections for real-time updates.

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Karnataka Elections 2018: Crucial Losses In These Constituencies Contributed To Congress Defeat

May 15, 2018, 1:16 am
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File photo of Congress President Rahul Gandhi on May 8, 2018 in Bengaluru, India. (Photo by Arijit Sen/Hindustan Times via Getty Images)

The ruling Congress government suffered big losses in Karnataka as the counting of votes in the current assembly election indicated a saffron surge in the south Indian state. By Tuesday afternoon, it became likely that the BJP would form government in Karnataka, with the party leading in 106 of the 224 constituencies.

Meanwhile, Congress, which won 122 seats in the 2013 assembly election, was leading in only 74 seats. Crucial losses in key constituencies that were considered party bastions contributed to Congress' defeat.

One of the big upsets for Congress was in the Gurmitkal constituency in the state's Yadgir district, where Janata Dal (Secular)'s Nagangouda Kandkur led with a comfortable margin of over 20,000 votes against Congress' Baburao Chinchansur. The party won the assembly seat in the last two state elections, and Congress MP Mallikarjun Kharge won the assembly constituency eight times in the past.

The party also stared at defeat in Shirahatti in the state's Gadag district. This is an important seat because it's considered a bellwether constituency. In the last dozen elections (state and central), it has always voted for a candidate from the winning party. Since May 2013, it has been held by Congress MLA Ramakrishna Doddamani, but on Tuesday, the 57-year-old veteran politician trailed more than 30,000 votes behind BJP's Ramappa Sobeppa Lamani, who lost the election in 2013 from the same constituency.

The party lost crucial votes in several constituencies in the deeply polarised belt of Dakshina Kannada, where BJP led in seven of the eight constituencies. The saffron party's candidates — Harish Poonja in Belthangady, Umanatha A Kotian in Moodabidri, Bharath Shetty in Mangalore City North, D Vedavyasa Kamath in Mangalore City South, Rajesh Naik in Bantval, and Sanjeeva Matandoor in Puttur — all led with comfortable margins. Only Mangalore constituency was won by Congress' Abdul Khader.

This is a developing story. Check back for more updates.

Follow HuffPost India's live coverage of the Karnataka elections.

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Karnataka Elections: Yeddyurappa and Sriramulu Help BJP Play The Percentages

May 15, 2018, 2:34 am
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BENGALURU, INDIA - MAY 6: Bharatiya Janata Party's Chief Minister candidate BS Yeddyurappa during a press conference at Press Club, on May 6, 2018 in Bengaluru, India. Yeddyurappa said, 'Dont rest now. If you think that somebody isnt voting, go to their homes, tie up their hands and legs and bring them to vote in favour of Mahantesh Doddagoudar (sic).' (Photo by Arijit Sen/Hindustan Times via Getty Images)

B.S. Yeddyurappa and B. Sriramulu's return to the Bharatiya Janata Party has led the saffron party's surge in Karnataka, despite the incumbent Indian National Congress marginally increasing its vote share in 2018, a preliminary comparison of party vote share over three successive elections shows. The Janata Dal (Secular), meanwhile, largely emerged with its seat share and vote share intact.

These numbers complicate the existing narratives of the presumably increasing popularity of communal polarisation amongst voters, the Modi effect, the impact of the supposed tie-up backroom deal between the BJP and the JD(S), and underscores an established trend where, as the party of default amongst a diverse swathe of voters, the Congress tends to win disproportionately fewer seats despite garnering a sizeable share of votes.

For the BJP, going strictly by the numbers, the return of Yeddyurappa and Sriramulu appears far more significant than the effect of Prime Minister Narendra Modi's many rallies through the state. The party's ability to target geographically focussed groups voters, which translate into seats, could also explain the paradox of seeming broad disaffection with Central government policies, yet an enviable record of winning state elections.

The JD(S)'s steady vote share over 15 years points to the party's rock-solid support amongst a determined section of supporters, and suggests that any rumoured JD(S)-BJP deal did not really eat into the Congress's share this time around.

For the Congress, steady over-all vote share, but a sharp reduction in seats suggests that the party's 'everything-for-everyone' approach to politics win diffused support, but doesn't necessarily translate into seats.

The Numbers

Numbers for the preceding elections are sourced from the ECI's statistical indices for 2008 and 2013. The 2018 numbers, drawn from the Election Commission of India's website at 2:30 PM today, will fluctuate marginally through the day.

In 2008, the BJP won 110 seats by capturing 33.86% of the popular vote. The Congress won only 80 seats despite a capturing a slightly larger share of the vote, 34.76%.

In 2013, a 1.83 percentage point increase in vote share for the Congress resulted in 42 more seats, and solid majority that lasted five years. Meanwhile, in the opposition, B.S. Yeddyurappa and B. Sriramlu broke with the BJP to form their own parties, and together captured 12.38% of the vote share, almost entirely at the cost of the BJP, whose vote share fell to 19.89%.

Yet, taken together, the BJP and the formations of their former leaders still managed 32.27% of the vote share, or about 1.59% down from their 2008 collective total.

Now in 2018, with Yeddyurappa and Sriramalu back in the BJP, the party has gained 36.7% of the vote share, a swing 2.6% increase over their vote in 2008 - when they last formed the government. The swing seems to have come at the expense of the JD(S), and smaller party formations.

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Lingayat Loss: How Siddaramaiah Shot Congress In The Foot #KarnatakaVerdict

May 15, 2018, 3:53 am
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BENGALURU, INDIA - MAY 6: Karnataka Chief Minister Siddaramaiah during a press conference at the Press Club, on May 6, 2018 in Bengaluru, India. Siddaramaiah mocked the Karnataka BJP, saying it solely depended on the prime minister as regards the May 12 state Assembly polls as it had no leader with a 'face value'. (Photo by Arijit Sen/Hindustan Times via Getty Images)

At around 10.30am when the first foggy leads were slowly clearing up, BJP leader Subramanian Swamy tweeted — "When Siddhu split the Lingayat community I had told the media : Congi committed suicide"

Swamy was right. What was meant to be an ace, a checkmate of sorts by the Karnataka Chief Minister Siddaramaiah, turned out to be one of its deadliest mistakes.

On 19 March, Siddaramaiah announced 'minority religion' status for the Lingayat community. This was seen as a trump card for the incumbent chief minister and the Congress party which had large stakes in winning Karnataka, one of only three states in the country ruled by the grand old party.

In the run-up to the elections, the Congress was confident that it had won the Ahinda vote. Ahinda is nomenclature for Backwards Classes, Minorities and Scheduled Castes. The party felt it had to woo at least one of the other two dominant communities in the state – the Vokkaligas or the Lingayats.

"Lingayats worship Ishtalinga (formless God) and do not follow vedic rituals. Of the 99 sub-castes of the Lingayats, one - the Veerashaivas - worship the Hindu god Shiva and follow vedic texts."

While Lingayats are against the caste system as taught by Kannada social reformer and philosopher Basavanna in the 12th century, Veershaivas incorporate the caste system in their world view.

Siddaramaiah chose the Lingayats, instead of the Vokkaligas who the Janata Dal (Secular) had a strong hold over.

Siddaramaiah included the "Lingayats and the Veerashaiva Lingayats" as a minority religion in an effort to appease the powerful community, as recommended by the Justice HN Nagamohan Das Committee report.

It appeared to be a win-win situation, considering that the grant of 'minority religion' status would help bring in more sops and funds to the community, especially in the fields of education. Lingayats run a number of excellent educational institutions in north Karnataka, similar to the convents run by Christians.

From win-win turn to lose-lose

The failure was largely one of communication, according to political observers in Karnataka. Of the 99 sub-castes of the Lingayats, close to 60 sub-groups are converts from the Hindu OBC or Dalits. The 'upper castes' amongst the Lingayats, including the Veerashaivas, managed to send a strong message across to the others amongst the Lingayats – that the Mutts controlled by the Veerashaivas, one of the 'upper caste' Lingayats, would not be open to the others.

As anger mounted among the non-Veerashaiva but Lingayat community, the Congress was unable to explain the benefits of 'minority religion' status – reservations of seats in educational institutions run by the powerful Veerashaivas and Lingayats was a main and big benefit to the 'lower' rung Lingayats who could not otherwise get admission. And this lack of communication meant that the Lingayat community curiously united in a different manner.

"Lingayats are made up of a number of 'upper caste' communities as well those from the backward classes and Dalits," said political analyst and senior journalist Imran Qureshi. "Congress was unable to effectively communicate what the 'minority religion' tag would mean in reality. So the 'upper castes' among the Lingayats made the others swear on Lingas that they would not vote for the Congress as it was dividing the Lingayat community. The Congress' plan backfired," he said.

Senior journalist DP Satish too agrees that the Congress' best laid plans went awry. "It united all groups amongst the Lingayats and they voted against the Congress," he said. "Because many did not want to call themselves minorities, or be seen on par with the Muslims. Yeddyurappa being portrayed as the Chief Ministerial face of the BJP also helped unite the Lingayats," said Satish who is a Senior Editor with News18.

BJP supporters amongst the Lingayats are rejoicing at the Congress' beating as is evident on social media.

Déjà vu?

But the game for the Congress is far from over at the moment. In a throwback to 1996, when the Congress, under PV Narasimha Rao, helped break a hung Parliament by supporting JD(S) leader Deve Gowda become the Prime Minister of the United Front government, Karnataka's Assembly now hangs on Gowda's son HD Kumarasamy. Sonia's Congress has now offered the post of Chief Minister to Kumarasamy in exchange for a post poll alliance in the southern state to keep the BJP out. Party spokesperson Ghulam Nabi Azad told the media that the JD(S) had accepted their proposal. The JD(S) is yet to speak on this issue.

But the Gowdas are not likely to forget what happened with the father barely a year after becoming Prime Minister with Congress backing. In April 1997, the Congress party pulled the rug from under the feet of Deve Gowda, bringing IK Gujral to power as an alternative candidate. Another year later, RJD's Lalu Prasad Yadav would do the remaining damage, walking out of the United Front alliance and sending the nation to polls once again.

With seats numbering about half of the what the Congress has won in the state, the JD(S), if it accepts the Congress' offer in a hurry, is likely to face a tough test ahead.

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Cambridge Analytica Being Investigated By Justice Department, FBI: Report

May 15, 2018, 4:29 pm
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The FBI and the Department of Justice are investigating Cambridge Analytica, the now-defunct data firm involved in a massive data breach in March, The New York Times reported Tuesday.

News of the investigation comes roughly two months after the London-based company was accused of secretly harvesting the personal data of at least 87 million Facebook users to better identify individuals that could be targeted and influenced by specific marketing material. 

Federal investigators have reportedly questioned potential witnesses, including former employees and banks that conducted business with the company, a U.S. official and other people familiar with the probe told the Times. 

The DOJ declined to comment, while the FBI did not immediately respond to a query.

The United Kingdom’s National Crime Agency is conducting its own investigation into whether the firm violated the country’s Data Protection Act, the Times reported. The agency is looking into allegations that Cambridge Analytica employees may have sought to bribe foreign officials, tampered with evidence and hacked computers.

Cambridge Analytica announced earlier in May that it planned to close all of its operations and file for bankruptcy in the United States, reportedly as a result of rising legal fees and a loss of clients after it was outed for harvesting Facebook users’ data.

In a statement on its website, the firm said it has been the subject of “numerous unfounded accusations” and “vilified for activities that are not only legal, but also widely accepted as a standard component of online advertising in both the political and commercial arenas.”

Shortly after news of the breach surfaced, the firm announced an independent investigation into its practices. The results of that investigation, which were shared on the company’s website, stated that the allegations against the firm were not “borne out by the facts.

When asked for comment on the DOJ investigation, a Cambridge Analytica press representative sent HuffPost a copy of the company’s internal probe.

Donald Trump’s 2016 presidential campaign hired Cambridge Analytica 
but the company has denied that it used data acquired through Facebook to assist Trump’s efforts to win the election.

 

Secret recordings of Cambridge Analytica executives appeared to capture them bragging about helping elect Trump by using “unattributable and untraceable” advertising and attack ads, according to an undercover report by British news station Channel 4.

Facebook first learned in 2015 that Cambridge Analytica was harvesting users’ data but failed to follow up after the firm allegedly promised to delete the information, Sheryl Sandberg, Facebook’s chief operating officer, said in April.

Facebook CEO Mark Zuckerberg has since apologized for not doing more to protect users’ data and vowed to increase privacy and security standards. Zuckerberg also testified before Senate and House committees to answer questions about Facebook users’ data protections.

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'The Handmaid's Tale' Explores What Resilience Looks Like In Hell

May 15, 2018, 4:03 pm
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Yvonne Strahovski in

Warning: Spoilers for “The Handmaid’s Tale” below!

Being a teen girl is hard. Being a teen girl in Gilead is ... a whole lot harder.

This week, we got some insight into what young adulthood looks like in Gilead. Teen girls are raised to be baby-makers and wives, and then married off to randomly selected men before they reach 18. Nick (Max Minghella) becomes one of those aforementioned men, forced to marry 15-year-old Eden (Sydney Sweeney) in the World’s Most Fucked-Up Wedding ceremony.

It’s a nauseating episode, one that we found difficult to even talk about. But it also brings a bit of hope in its closing moments: After a failed suicide attempt, June (Elisabeth Moss) finds her inner voice once more. 

Meanwhile, in the colonies, Emily (Alexis Bledel) and Janine (Madeline Brewer) approach their hellish existence in opposite ways ― Emily through practicalities and hard truths, Janine through unbridled, perhaps unearned, optimism. 

Emma Gray: Welp! In the course of a week, we went from The World’s Most Fucked-Up Baby Shower to The World’s Most Fucked-Up Wedding. By the end of this season, “The Handmaid’s Tale” just might make me feel repulsed by every one of our culture’s life event celebrations. This episode, we learned what it means to be a young woman who grows up in Gilead — and it’s horrifying.

June has been fully subsumed into Offred, and Nick is marrying a 15-year-old zealot named Eden (played by the fantastic Sydney Sweeney who I’d seen in Netflix’s “Everything Sucks!”). Praise be!

Laura Bassett: I was wondering what human rights violation they were going to introduce us to next, and they went with child marriage. Should have seen that one coming.

This episode further explores Offred’s relationship with Serena, and now that June has fully vacated the premises of her own body, we see that Serena is actually a bit frustrated and confused by her sudden complacency. Forcing Offred to watch Nick marry a child seems to be Serena and the Commander’s way of trying to squeeze blood out of a stone — just to get any kind of emotional reaction out of Offred, who has become so complacent as an incubator that she’s almost robotic. I think Serena is also a bit jealous of the passion she has sensed between Offred and Nick, as well as the fact that she knows the baby belongs to Nick, so she is punishing them for having two things that she is so desperately lacking with the Commander.

Emma: Agreed! Serena seems torn about what she’d like the terms of her relationship with Offred to be, which is why we see her constantly renegotiating them, episode to episode. To an extent, I think she enjoys that June is her intellectual equal. After all, Serena’s career pre-Gilead was based around lecturing and writing and intellectual sparring. June is a worthy adversary. Robotic Offred is not.

You also raise an interesting point about Nick, and the way both Serena and Commander Waterford seemed to be passive-aggressively punishing him. Though I couldn’t quite put my finger on what was driving the Commander’s actions — did he simply sense Nick’s affection for Offred and get jealous? At one point, we see Serena try to use that information to get a rise out of him. She’s so desperate for him to engage with her, in any capacity, that she tries to goad him into saying more than an “mmm hmm” to her. Spoiler alert: She fails.

I also want to go back to the child marriage theme for a second and point out that this is yet another human rights violation “The Handmaid’s Tale” depicts that we can’t remove ourselves from. As of February, in half of U.S. states, there was no minimum age for marriage when parents give consent and a judge declares an exception. In 2018, this is still an issue that people have to lobby very, very, very hard around — and often fail to get traction. CHILD. MARRIAGE. It’s insane. *Steps off of soapbox*

Laura: Yes — I would like to add that this episode makes it clear what’s involved in a child marriage: child rape. Serena has a very disturbing conversation with Nick’s 15-year-old bride in which we learn the girl has never had sex before and has no idea what to expect. While there may not be a rape scene quite as blatant and disturbing as Serena holding down Offred’s arms, this show reiterates that women in Gilead have no agency over their bodies and merely exist for men’s use and for reproduction.

That being said, I found it interesting that Serena tries to explain to Eden that she should be getting some kind of pleasure out of sex with Nick and that that’s morally OK. Later in the episode, we’re reminded that Emily was punished with genital mutilation for having any sexuality of her own, so I was not expecting Serena to be giving Eden any kind of sex-positive talk. This is also the first glimpse we get into how Serena might be as a mother. I’m not giving her too many points here — she’s still facilitating child rape and keeping a sex slave in her house — but what is her motivation in her dealings with Eden?

Sydney Sweeney, Joseph Fiennes and Yvonne Strahovski in

Emma: We know that Serena is a complicated person — that’s why she’s appealing to watch — and we saw that complication come out again here. From what we know, Serena is a true believer in Gilead’s philosophy, but only to an extent. Her zealotry was always motivated by a sincere concern about the nation’s birth rates (and likely her own burning desire to be a mother), and she clearly saw traditional gender roles and structures as a way to address both of those things. But we also know that she loves her husband, valued their pre-Gilead partnership and genuinely enjoys sex. I think she squares those things internally by telling herself that they’re only acceptable within the context of a (first) marriage between a man and a woman.

Should we talk about the colonies and The Less Fucked-Up Wedding now?

Laura: It’s amazing that the “less fucked-up wedding” is the one in which two slaves whose skin is literally rotting off from deplorable conditions and contaminated water at a work camp get married on their deathbeds, but yes, that was a very sweet moment. I think the vastly different reactions we get from Emily and Janine to that wedding map out along the divides of the resistance — those broken-down women who accept Gilead’s values and even internalize them vs. those who still have some fight in them.

At the same time, that wedding was one of the rare moments in the show where we see two people genuinely free to love each other, regardless of politics or sexuality, in a ceremony that’s actually meaningful and genuine for them both. This serves as a perfect contrast to the more fucked-up wedding we see later in the episode, where Nick is forced to marry a girl whose face he’s never even seen.

Emma: The Janine-Emily divide raised some really interesting questions. Is finding moments of joy within the darkness equivalent to “dressing up the slaughterhouse,” as Emily put it? And does doing so necessarily mean that you have no fight left? I’ve watched the episode twice and I’m still not sure where I fall.

I do think that Janine is more self-aware than she lets on. For her, a veil of optimism and the belief that God holds them all in his hands is a form of armor she puts on while living in hell. Emily, an academic rather than a spiritualist, has no ability to see any good in the colonies ― something that is both understandable and deeply relatable. But I also thought that Janine made a compelling point while they were arguing about the wedding between Fiona and the dying Kit that Janine had set up. “This place is hell. And covering it up in flowers doesn’t change anything,” says Emily, which is true. But then Janine shoots back: “So what? We come here, we work, we die. Kit’s going to die happy, so what’s the problem?” It’s hard to argue with that.

The reality is that — unless something changes very drastically, and that doesn’t seem close to happening — these women live in hell and will likely die in hell, buried next to hundreds of other women Gilead deemed unworthy. Is it so wrong to try to find moments of beauty and connection while in hell?

Laura: That’s also what’s interesting about Offred’s pregnancy. It was conceived in genuine love, and you can see her throughout the episode trying to disconnect from Nick and disconnect from the fetus inside her. She starts heavily bleeding, suggesting a miscarriage, and Offred barely reacts at all. It’s not until she wakes up in the hospital and realizes the heart is still beating that feels that connection of motherhood again. And even in the hell that is Gilead, she dips her head under the covers and whispers sweet and inspiring words to her future child with the same kind of blind hope that Janine has when she makes a wish on the dandelion weed.

The viewer obviously needs these bright spots throughout the show to break up some of the horror. This episode was rough! I thought my heart was going to stop a few times.

Speaking of which — I found it interesting that the wake-up call for June, the moment that shook her back into her body, was not being forced to watch Nick marry someone else — it was almost losing her baby, and then feeling that survival. It’s as if the resilience of her own fetus inspired her to keep fighting.  

Elisabeth Moss and Max Minghella in

Emma: Seeing Nick married off to a child illustrated what a future for a child looks like in Gilead: indoctrination and despair. The ceremony seemed to push Offred to contemplate, and then attempt, suicide — something that we had never really seen her consider before. But it was her survival, and her baby’s, that made her find her voice and her resolve again.

“Now you listen to me, K?” she says to her fetus. “I will not let you grow up in this place. I won’t do it. Do you hear me? They do not own you. And they do not own what you will become. Do you hear me? I’m gonna get you out of here. I’m gonna get us out of here. I promise you. I promise.” She not only made a commitment to her future child, but she recommitted to herself, to June, to the life and the future that she deserves.

Laura: Next week we get to see how Serena reacts to the fact that June almost killed herself and the baby. She missed having a formidable opponent. I suspect she has one again now.

Emma: Praise be.  

 

To read more of HuffPost’s “Handmaid’s Tale” coverage, head here.

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A New Farming Technique Using Drastically Less Water Is Catching On

May 15, 2018, 2:45 am
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A farmworker in a rice paddy field in Ahmedabed, India. An unconventional method for growing rice has been found to increase yields by 20 to 50 percent.

Filipino melon grower Denis Miguel was intrigued to hear of a young Indian farmer who in 2011 had broken the world record for growing rice by using an unconventional method of cultivation that needed only half as much water and one-tenth as many seeds but resulted in spectacular yield increases.

Miguel, from Isabela province, had never grown rice before, but he teamed up with a local rice farmer to try out the system. Last year, he reaped the equivalent of 10.8 tons of rice per hectare, or four times as much rice as the farmer usually grew on that land.

He was astonished. “A harvest of 10.8 tons per hectare on a rain-fed farm which used to produce only 2.5 tons was a great success. I was a newbie rice farmer. It was my first attempt at rice farming. It was an eye opener to all the people who were witness,” he said in an email.

Miguel is not alone. Reports from China, India, Southeast Asia and Africa suggest that average yield increases of 20 to 50 percent are regularly being achieved by farmers adopting the “system of rice intensification” (SRI), which aims to stimulate the root system of plants rather than trying to increase yields in the conventional way by using improved seeds and synthetic fertilizers.

Rice is the major staple crop of nearly half the world and is primarily grown by small farmers. Seedlings are traditionally planted in large clumps in flooded fields. One kilogram of rice typically requires about 660 gallons of water.

SRI, in contrast, involves the careful spacing of fewer but younger plants, keeping the topsoil around the plants well-aerated by weeding, using manure and avoiding flooding. 

An Indian farmer drags a wooden plank to level soil as he works in a paddy field in Agartala, India. Many Indian farmers are adopting SRI to increase the productivity of rice by changing the management of plants, soil, water and nutrients.

What was a grassroots movement spreading slowly by word of mouth since it was developed by French priest Henri de Laulanié in Madagascar in 1983 is now growing fast as regional governments in China and India join anti-poverty groups like Oxfam to back the method.

According to the SRI International Network and Resources Center at Cornell University, an estimated 10 million rice farmers in 60 countries have adopted SRI.

“It has the potential to reduce the amount of water, money and labor that farmers in developing countries need to spend. Time and again, farmers have seen improvements in yield, profitability and resilience,” says Norman Uphoff, professor of international agriculture at Cornell.

The idea of using less to gain more is seen as an important innovation for adapting farming to climate change and a way to increase yields at a time when human populations are growing fast but traditional plant breeding and genetically modified techniques have failed to increase yields more than a few percentage points, says Uphoff.

In Bihar, one of India’s poorest states, more than 335,000 hectares of rice are grown using SRI methods. Scientist Anil Kumar Verma from the rural nongovernmental organization Pran and the state government have led a push to develop new weeding tools to help farmers and yields have increased dramatically.

“SRI is changing the life of many farmers. Not only is it addressing food security problems, it is also emitting less carbon, which adds to global warming,” Verma says.  

The new way to grow rice is proving most popular in water-stressed countries, says Tavseef Mairaj Shah, a Ph.D. researcher at Germany’s Hamburg University of Technology. “Rice growing in Kashmir largely depends on irrigation systems that draw water from the river Jhelum. But climate change is leading to drier winters, untimely rains, and warmer summers.”

Kashmiri farmers tie lumps of grass to make hay bales in a paddy field during harvesting season.

“SRI promises to be a viable alternative, not just from the water-savings perspective but because it offers better yields and soil conditions. Different studies, both at the experimental level and farmer-participative level, have shown that SRI improves yields with less water,” Shah adds.

Some academics, the global seed industry and the international community have rejected reports of “fantastic” yields, accusing farmers of falsifying records and researchers of carelessness and “non-science.” But more than 600 articles, collated by SRI International at Cornell University, have shown benefits.

“The last published [academic] critique of SRI was in 2006,” Uphoff says. “There is nothing more to prove. The original hostility has gone. It may have been linked to the fact that SRI came from the grassroots and not the well-resourced global agricultural industry, which for 50 years has invested heavily in genetics, mechanization, improved seeds and the use of inorganic fertilizers and pesticides.”

But, Uphoff says, the early opposition has resulted in comparatively little scientific research being conducted into SRI and a slow uptake by funders. “SRI was made controversial within the academic and donor communities. Donors have been reluctant to get involved although there are a variety of initiatives at the country or regional level,” he says.

Large donor agencies such as the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation say they prefer to invest in high-performance seeds and genetically modified technologies.

“[We fund] investments in rice breeding and genetics because we believe innovations in these areas have the greatest potential to empower smallholder farmers and lift their families out of poverty. We don’t currently invest in rice crop management research,” said Gina Ivey, head of global policy for agricultural development with the Gates Foundation.

Attitudes are changing, however. In 2017, SRI was endorsed by the science journal Nature and the United Nations, and the World Bank has begun to promote it in India and Egypt.

“Clearly SRI is one of the technology options that has the potential to increase paddy yields for small farmers. We have invested in scaling up SRI systems in rice in both Bihar and Tamil Nadu [states] and based on our experience have observed that there is potential of more than 25 percent increase in the yield [and a] 64 percent increase in output per unit of water for SRI,” says Vinay Kumar Vutukuru, a World Bank senior agricultural specialist.

Uphoff calls for governments to study the experiences of grassroots farmers: “The principles of SRI can be applied to many crops. It is a genie that can no longer be stuffed back into the lamp. We could have accomplished so much more for farmers, consumers and for the environment if we had even some very modest support [from international donors] and hadn’t had to rely on personal resources and a lot of volunteered effort.”

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HuffPost’s “This New World” series is funded by Partners for a New Economy and the Kendeda Fund. All content is editorially independent, with no influence or input from the foundations. If you have an idea or tip for the editorial series, send an email to thisnewworld@huffpost.com

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Karnataka Election: How Deve Gowda Learnt To Stop Worrying And Trust The Congress (Again)

May 15, 2018, 9:49 pm
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New Delhi/Bengaluru -- An emissary was chosen with one eye on the present, and one eye on the past.

A week before Karnataka went to polls, Sonia Gandhi asked veteran Communist Sitaram Yechury, to speak with HD Deve Gowda, the Janata Dal (Secular) patriarch, to reprise his role from June 1996, when Deve Gowda became Prime Minister to stall the rampaging Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP).

"Yechury reminded him of his secular front days in the 1990s, when all parties united behind Deve Gowda to keep the BJP out of power," said a source close to both leaders. "Yechury, Sonia Gandhi, and Deve Gowda have always had a good equation."

Deve Gowda had two conditions, three sources confirmed -- his son HD Kumaraswamy as chief minister; and he would speak to Sonia, not Rahul. Negotiations gathered pace once the exit polls suggested a fractured mandate, and culminated Wednesday, with the JD(S) and Congress alliance.

"It was a classic Indian family saga," a source with intimate knowledge of negotiations said wryly, "Sons would not speak to each other, so parents stepped in."

The inside story of yesterday's alliance, sourced from scores of interviews, offers clear lessons for 2019, as the Congress and regional parties seek to halt the BJP juggernaut:

  • The Congress will lead from behind.
  • Sonia, not Rahul Gandhi, will orchestrate negotiations;
  • A national front will emerge from post-poll alliances, based on pre-poll adjustments.

"The regional parties are clear," an opposition leader said. "If the Congress doesn't get a majority on its own, others will only support them if they get the top job in return."

Senior Congress leader and strategist Ghulam Nabi Azad met with a Delhi representative of the JD(S), Danish Ali, known to be the "eyes and ears" of the leader, and suggested talks.

Old hands on deck

While old party hands in the Congress and the JD(S) had considered a post-election alliance well before polls, the possibility receded during the campaign when Rahul Gandhi repeatedly insinuated that the JD(S) had a tacit understanding with the BJP.

This feeling was widespread amongst Rahul Gandhi's circle; JD(S) cadres, in the meantime, were livid as they felt Rahul's allegations cost them seats by depriving them of Muslim votes in their strongholds in south Karnataka.

As the possibility of a fractured verdict loomed, Sonia Gandhi activated her wide network: Senior Congress leader and strategist Ghulam Nabi Azad met with a Delhi representative of the JD(S), Danish Ali, known to be the "eyes and ears" of the leader, and suggested talks.

The CPI(M)'s Yechury, in the meantime, had emerged victorious from an internal party battle over the Communist party line towards the Congress. Yechury, who had argued for closer cooperation and won, was asked to mollify H.D. Deve Gowda.

Sources said Deve Gowda reminded Yechury of the Congress's "whimsical" role in coalition governments, particularly when his Prime Ministership was toppled after only a year in power, and sought a categorical assurance that a coalition in Karnataka would last its full term.

Sources close to Rahul Gandhi agreed that Sonia Gandhi was the "architect" of the plan, but said Rahul met with Ahmed Patel, Azad and Ashok Gehlot, before they left for Bengaluru, with instructions to keep the BJP out of Karnataka at all costs.

The Congress's role, in each state, will likely be a reprisal of its role in Karnataka, where it will have to check its ambition to prop up a numerically smaller partner.

United Front Redux?

"There is no way a national pre-poll alliance will succeed in stopping the BJP," said a senior leader, involved in discussions. "There have to be region specific adjustments that could result in a post-poll alliance."

The first anti-BJP front in 1996 with Deve Gowda as PM, the leader pointed out, was formed after the elections that followed the collapse of Atal Bihari Vajpayee's thirteen-day BJP government. The Congress-led United Progressive Alliance in 2004 was a consequence of a post-poll alliance as well.

"In Uttar Pradesh, any adjustment would have to consider the supremacy of the BSP-SP alliance, in Bihar – maybe the RJD shall take the lead," the leader continued.

The Congress's role, in each state, will likely be a reprisal of its role in Karnataka, where it will have to check its ambition to prop up a numerically smaller partner.

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People Can't Agree On Whether This Robot Is Saying 'Yanny' Or 'Laurel'

May 15, 2018, 1:28 pm
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It sounds crazy, but a little bot is tearing up an already-polarized internet.

No, the robot isn’t tweeting about Trump. Instead, it’s inviting people to listen to it and vote on whether it’s saying “Yanny” or “Laurel.”

Some people hear “Yanny,” some people hear “Laurel,” and some people hear both.

The nefarious bot first appeared Sunday on Reddit, sowing division not seen since February 2015, when millions of people couldn’t agree whether a dress was gold and white or blue and black.

What do you hear? Let us know in the comments section.

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Salman Khan Had The Most Arrogant Reply When Asked About His Conviction At The 'Race 3' Launch

May 16, 2018, 4:06 am
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On April 5, a Jodhpur court convicted Salman Khan in the 1998 blackbuck poaching case for 5 years. The verdict seemed like a major set back for the actor as he had a number of big-budget films in the pipeline. He managed to secure bail on April 7.

At the trailer launch of his upcoming film, Race 3 on Tuesday, a reporter asked Khan whether he was worried or under pressure after the verdict since the film's release was around the corner. The reporter wasn't allowed to finish the question since it involved Khan's court case, yet he persisted.

Also Read: It's Time For Salman's Fans To Stop Calling Him A Misunderstood Superstar

Also Read: Salman Khan On Ghosts Of His Past, Attempts Of Image Rehabilitation, And Why Critics Don't Matter

The person hosting the event interrupted the journalist to say, "You don't want to go into that bro," even as Khan smiled and looked on. "That's the only reason I get paid to stand here," the host said. "Send the mic back, send the mic back," he went on adding, "If it's Jodhpur, no. If it's Karnataka elections. No? Race 3? Yes."

When the journalist said that the question was about the film, he was allowed to finish. He asked Khan, "Did that put pressure on you considering a lot of money was riding on the film?" to which Khan smirked and said, "Do you think I was gonna go forever? When the journalist said, "No," Khan said, "Thank you, I was worried," with a hint of sarcasm.

Watch the video here:

Also see on HuffPost:

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What Getting Naked In Front Of A Camera Taught Me About Motherhood

May 3, 2018, 9:01 am
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For my 36th birthday party, I got naked in front of a camera.

I don’t remember when I learned to hate my body, and I don’t remember when I committed to becoming friends with this skin and these bones of mine, but I know one happened much too early and the other came much later than it should have.

In between came a slew of poor decisions, just as many triumphs, two amazing humans born to my partner and me and many, many efforts to see my body as strong and beautiful.

In the past two or three years, I’ve made a commitment to treating my body with the same compassion I show my very closest friends: I see flaws and love it still, knowing we’re in it for the long haul. This is where the idea for a body-positive boudoir session started.

I wasn’t looking to a photo shoot for a personal transformation ― more to mark a stage in life when I am feeling mostly good about myself, moving closer to reclaiming my confidence post-babies and reaching the tipping point to middle-aged. Why not do it all in some lace and a great red lipstick?

“I need you to see what I’m seeing.”

As Nicole and Athena, the boudoir photographers, scoped out my house, set up their photography equipment and situated me in a sunny spot in my bedroom, I was sipping tequila and getting past the awkwardness of sitting in front of two insanely badass women in my underwear. Then one of them paused and did something incredible: She flipped her camera and showed me the shot she’d just captured.

“I need you to see what I’m seeing.”

A photo of myself, laying in sunshine and shadows, stretched out on my bedroom floor, not unlike how one might find me stretching underneath the sheets. Somehow, it was art, and it was me.

My favorite picture from the photo shoot.

Me, creeping toward 40. Me, married mother of two. Me, in this skin that has grown my babies and bears the marks of doing so. Me, in this body riding the roller coaster of my self-esteem, garnering catcalls and criticism alike, existing in an almost constant tension between transcendence and struggle.

“I need you to see what I’m seeing.”

In “Our Mothers as We Never Saw Them,” a 2017 opinion piece for The New York Times, Edan Lepucki wrote of the thrill of seeing photographs of women before they were mothers as badass, sexy and fashionable. She observes, “The young women in these pictures are beautiful, fierce, sassy, goofy, cool, sweet — sometimes all at once.”

I want my children to know my life before them, and my present life outside of motherhood, too. Women and mothers can be sensual, seductive and strong and simultaneously caring, soft and nurturing. When my children see a bold, brilliant woman in a photo of their mother, she’s the mother I long for them and the rest of the world to know. She’s not past tense, she’s present.

I am not alone in saying my 30s have brought a level of self-confidence, self-awareness and depth. I’ve found who I need to be as a woman, mother and partner in order to feel balanced and grounded. I’m less about faking it and more about loving where I’m at, and many of the women in my life have walked with me in this evolution and feel the same way about themselves. It’s been the decade when we start laughing about our flaws, owning our baggage and embracing self-love along with it all.

My 30s have also been the decade when I’ve become more connected to my sexuality and sexiness than ever before.

The notion that women should no longer be sexual after they become mothers (at least in public) exists in strange dissonance with the ever-present societal pressure to “get your body back” after a baby.

As women struggle to adhere to standards of youthful beauty and show no trace of the process of growing a human in one’s uterus, the belief that we should keep our sexiness under wraps undermines the confidence, empowerment and depth of sexuality that comes with age.

It seems an injustice that as we finally shed our insecurities, embrace our strengths and connect with ourselves and each other, we can only exist fully in private.

Three years before the metamorphosis of my 30s, I became a mom. I joke that my daughter was not our most intentional life choice, and I grieved — hard — the changes I knew I would experience. I cried over superficial things like my favorite sexy jeans possibly never fitting again and taking out the belly ring I’d worn since my first weekend away at college.

I cried realizing none of my best friends could understand how I felt, since I was the first to have a baby. I cried over deep, ugly fears: whether I would love my child, whether this whole thing was a huge mistake.

I’d finally arrived at a station in life where I felt glimpses of freedom and confidence. I was loving the time spent at happy hours and late-night concerts, and I’d enjoyed recognition and leadership opportunities in my career. The magical, miraculous moments of pregnancy never resonated with me, and I felt alone in my grief and my truth. 

Most of the time, when I voiced these fears or frustrations, I was told that giving birth would and should turn me into a new person. I was told, mainly by women and mothers, that my cares, worries and interests would shift and be completely encompassed by my love for my daughter.

Despite an empowering birth experience and relatively smooth early weeks of motherhood, those reassurances fell flat, and my new, exclusively maternal self failed to emerge and overtake my identity.

The day before my daughter turned 1 month old, we found ourselves at a toddler’s birthday party. Surrounded by women wearing baggy capris and babies in front packs ― and feeling awkward in my own skin, let alone my ill-fitting jeans and failed attempt to appear put together ― I felt heat flood the back of my neck, and my daughter felt heavier and heavier in my arms. The unfamiliarity of my postpartum body and responsibilities, and of the life ahead, manifested as a feeling of being smothered from the inside.

In moments of turmoil, our body naturally chooses fight, freeze or flight. I desperately wanted the latter, but I knew it wasn’t an option; there was no time machine, no adequate hiding place, and I knew I loved my daughter too much. An acquaintance named Kristen ― the only person I knew other than the birthday girl’s parents ― walked by. She saw the panic on my face and invited me to a quiet spot in the house.

“Is this what I am supposed to be now?” I confessed I couldn’t see myself in the women outside the dark, tiny room where we sat. Their lives were not lives I wanted.

Everyone had told me I would become something new, but I hadn’t. All I could see were the mothers around me who seemingly found joy in releasing all the pieces of themselves once they had their babies, and who now found meaning in discussing veggie trays, bounce houses and cupcake bakeries.

“I don’t fit in here, either.”

Whereas I felt like I stuck out like a sore thumb at the party, Kristen looked the part of the misfit. Her loose-flowing clothing, the intricate sleeve of tattoos covering one arm and the Wiccan symbol inked on the back of her neck were a sharp contrast with the pastels and cargo pants sported by the other moms.

In one sentence, she became the first person who heard my anxiety, validated my fear and gave me hope I hadn’t thrown myself away in the process of having a child.

I knew my lifeline as a new mother would come in the form of like-minded women who were willing to hear each other, share raw truths and view themselves and each other as independent, strong and intelligent. With them, I could continue to grow and exist as an individual, not just as my daughter’s mom. I was seen.

“Becoming a mother doesn’t change you so much as violently refurbish you, even though you’re still the same underneath it all,” Heather Havrilesky wrote for The New York Times in 2014. “That can be hard to remember when teachers, coaches, pediatricians and strangers alike suddenly stop addressing you by your name, or even ‘ma’am’ or ‘lady,’ and start calling you ‘Mom.’”

After the birth of my daughter, I was desperate to keep the many pieces of me in place — pieces I loved and enjoyed. I found often, when in “non-momming” activities, that I was met with confusion, or the entire conversation would veer toward my daughter as if I had nothing else to contribute. When in public with my child, I was all but invisible.

I regained hope through moments that began during a toddler’s birthday party. If I surrounded myself with moms who would never be happy dedicating their existence to veggie trays and cupcakes or retiring their sexy selves, and who believed in the magic that happens when we stand strong on our own, stand stronger together and lift each other up when we need a boost, it would all be OK.

Those 60 minutes of being photographed by two fellow mothers, those 60 minutes of being seen for all of the pieces of me without having to apologize for my sexiness, those 60 minutes of being celebrated as beautiful without the noble expectation that mothers don’t care about such silly things, were transcendent and transformative, a powerful protest against the messages I’ve seen all my life ― that becoming a mother means keeping private all evidence of yourself as a sexual being, that we should be chaste models of modesty, that giving birth means the death of life before baby.

It was a moment that will forever help me honor what my photographers were seeing, and help me strive toward knowing myself as sexy and fierce, vulnerable and strong, exposed and beautiful on a daily basis. 

Not everybody is going to find meaning in taking off their shirt in front of strangers with photography equipment, and that’s not the point.

The point is we, as women and mothers, need spaces and communities that bring out the pieces of ourselves that we, as individuals, need to preserve, remember and celebrate.

In doing so, we give ourselves the radical option to build our own molds for what womanhood looks like on us, what sexy means and which pieces of ourselves deserve to be seen and revered, while applauding fellow women finding their own vehicles toward empowerment and self-love.

I need you to see what I’m seeing.

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Kim Kardashian And The Toxic Trend Of Bad Celebrity Health Advice

May 16, 2018, 1:18 pm
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Kim Kardashian recently drew criticism for an Instagram ad where she endorsed a lollipop that claims to suppress one's appetite.

We’re living in a time when wellness is a booming industry fueled in part by conversation on social platforms. And if celebrities and influencers want to get in (read: capitalize) on the discussion, they need to do so wisely.

Take Kim Kardashian, who recently shared a sponsored Instagram post with her 111 million followers where she was pictured sucking on a Flat Tummy Co “appetite suppressant” lollipop. The company’s website claims the product “helps control food intake, cravings and weight.”

In the caption of her post ― which has since been deleted ― Kardashian called the product “literally unreal.” Social media users and celebrities slammed her for promoting unhealthy weight loss habits. (Kardashian and Flat Tummy Co did not immediately respond to requests for comment for this story.)

Kardashian isn’t the only entertainer who has peddled health advice. From former “The Bachelor” contestants to Gwyneth Paltrow’s “Goop” to various A-list actors, there’s a ton of noise in the marketplace, and not all of it is trustworthy. Social media posts rarely paint the whole picture, according to Laura Manning, a clinical dietician for the Susan and Leonard Feinstein Inflammatory Bowel Disease Center at Mount Sinai Medical Center.

“Celebrities have access to so many things that may help them achieve the appearance that we see,” Manning said. “Maybe they’re able to see trainers all the time, maybe they have personal cooks. They might have wardrobe assistants, they have makeup artists... and that’s just not reality [for the rest of us].”

Moreover, promoting any kind of “get thin quick” strategy ― whether it’s cleanses, suppressants, drastic calorie-cutting or something else ― can send the message that food is the enemy and an appetite is something undesirable. This mentality can lead to unhealthy eating habits, Manning explained.

“Having an appetite is a very normal thing,” she said. “To think that’s a negative sign in our bodies is wrong. You want to be fueling your body to achieve whatever it is you’re doing.”

Mental as well as physical health risks

Research shows that social media browsing can lead to social comparison ― the phenomenon where viewers stack their lives up against someone else’s, often to damaging effect. This in turn can pave the way for further mental health issues.

“People often do not realize that the online look or image of a person can be highly curated or manipulated, and this can lead a viewer to have really inaccurate impressions or expectations of themselves ― how thin they should be and how to get there, what their hair or physique should look like,” said Victor Schwartz, chief medical officer of the Jed Foundation, a mental health organization. “This can contribute to self-consciousness, frustration, anxiety and depression.”

People often do not realize that the online look or image of a person can be highly curated or manipulated, and this can lead a viewer to have really inaccurate impressions or expectations of themselves. Victor Schwartz, chief medical officer, the Jed Foundation

Celebrity weight loss posts in particular can trigger disordered eating or crash dieting habits, which can also have negative mental health consequences.

“Ads or communications that show someone who appears very thin and are suggesting ‘magical’ ways to be super thin can create unreasonable and dangerous expectations about what is a normal or healthy appearance and how one gets there,” Schwartz said. “When inevitably a person does not reach this level of thinness as quickly as they feel they’ve been promised, they can be left feeling like a failure. This can again lead to dangerous methods trying to reach the goal.”

Ultimately, if celebrities are going to dole out wellness wisdom to their thousands or millions of followers, they should do so with caution and care.

“On the simplest level, many people ― and maybe especially young people ― imagine celebrities to be successful, knowledgeable and cool, and as a result seek to emulate them,” Schwartz said.

And as consumers of this content, we should make an effort to separate appearance from reality. Miracle products are rarely what they seem, and the public figures soliciting them are rarely benefiting solely from the product itself.

“When you are making decisions about your health, and most other important things for that matter, you should try to find objective, factual, reliable information as much as possible,” Schwartz said.

That’s likely not going to come from an Instagram #ad.

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While You Were Sleeping: In 2 am Hearing SC Refuses To Stay Yeddyurappa's Swearing In As Karnataka CM, But Expresses Doubts

May 16, 2018, 8:39 pm
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In an unusual early morning hearing the Supreme Court refused to stop the swearing in of BJP's BS Yeddyurappa today morning, but wanted him produce the letters written by him to the governor on May 15 and 16, staking claim to form government.

The hearing in court number 6 of the Supreme Court began after Abhishek Manu Singhvi filed a petition on behalf of the Congress-JD(S) alliance.

The Bench of Justices A K Sikri, S A Bobde and Ashok Bhushan said the next hearing would be at 10:30 am on Friday, May 18.

"As far as swearing-in is concerned, we are not restraining it, but we are making it subject to the outcome of the case," NDTV quoted the bench as saying.

While Singhvi argued that it was as simple as 104 seats from the BJP against 116 from the Congress-JD(S) alliance, Mukul Rohatgi who was appearing for the BJP brushed off criticism saying there was no proof that the BJP did not have the numbers.

Rohatgi was quoted by Bar and Bench as saying, "I was woken up from sleep at midnight. This petition should never have been taken up at midnight. Will heavens fall if somebody is sworn in?"

The apex court also questioned the basis on which Yeddyurappa was invited to form government.

NDTV reported the court as saying "the arithmetic defies in what way he was invited". The bench also wondered how BJP would prove majority crossing the half way mark, 112, when Congress-JD(S) had 116 MLAs.

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